Observação e cronologia da crise de Timor-Leste em 2006 (VI) - trad.

Tradução da Margarida:

Observação e cronologia da crise de Timor-Leste em 2006 (VI)
Análise dos Media Timorense e Regional

(com base na Monitorização dos Media da UNOTIL – www.unotil.org)

Janeiro 2006

O ano abriu com o foco dos media de Dili num incidente mortal na fronteira com o Oeste de Timor, quando três ex-milicia que tinham atravessado para Timor-Leste, confrontaram três oficiais da Unidade de Patrulha da Fronteira da PNTL, e por sua vez foram mortos pela BPU. As forças armadas Indonésias destacaram 1,500 tropas para a fronteira e a tensão entre os dois países foi alta.

A somar a isto, o Presidente Xanana Gusmão preparava-se para ir às Nações Unidas em New York para entregar o Relatório da CAVR sobre a violência em Timor-Leste entre 1974 e 1999. Este focou-se principalmente nos crimes sérios e prolongados dos militares Indonésios, e o governo Indonésio expressou a sua mais forte oposição às conclusões do relatório.

Além do mais, o governo da Indonésia objectou a propostas de Timor-Leste para expandir as suas fronteiras marítimas no Mar de Timor à custa de reclamações marítimas da Indonésia, sem negociação.

Houve também um impasse sobre o proposto Novo Código Penal, porque incluía uma provisão para incriminar a calúnia. O Presidente estava a atrasar a promulgação da lei aprovada pelo parlamento.

Em 6 de Janeiro, os media relataram que o Primeiro-Ministro e o Presidente tiveram o seu primeiro encontro semanal regular do ano, focado na necessidade da missão da UNOTIL, cujo mandato expira a 20 de Maio de 2006, ser estendida numa nova forma por 12 meses, com um foco especial assistir às eleições parlamentares e presidenciais previstas para Maio 2007. Nessa reunião estiveram também presentes o Ministro da Energia José Teixeira e o Ministro dos estrangeiros Ramos Horta.

Em 13 de Janeiro, a assinatura no dia anterior do acordo de desenvolvimento do campo de gás e petróleo do Greater Sunrise, entre os governos da Austrália e Timor-Leste, dominou as notícias, com o Partido Social Democrático (PSD), o Partido Democrático (PD) e a Associação Social Democrática de Timor-Leste (ASDT) a fazerem uma conferência de media e a oporem-se ao acordo por ser injusto para Timor Leste.

O Vice-Ministro da Administração do Estado, Valentim Ximenes, relatou aos media sobre o planeamento para as eleições de 2007, e declarou que iam requerer assistência técnica do Gabinete Eleitoral da ONU para desenvolverem a lei eleitoral, e ajuda do Japão, Austrália, Portugal, e União Europeia sobre educação para votantes. As eleições serão mais complicadas do que as eleições para 'suco' ou governo local de 2005.

Emergiu nesta altura a primeira notícia sobre os futuros soldados que 'peticionavam', com o relatório que o 1º Batalhão está sendo transferido de Lospalos na ponta leste de Timor-Leste para quartéis renovados em Baucau, ainda no leste, mas mais próximo dos distritos do oeste do país. Houve uma cerimónia formal na sua partida de Lospalos.

Em 19 de Janeiro, o Secretário-geral da ONU Kofi Annan falou do continuado engajamento internacional com Timor-Leste depois do mandato da UNOTIL terminar em 20 de Maio, com um foco especial nas eleições Parlamentares e Presidenciais em 2007. A UNOTIL completará todos os seus programas de treino para a polícia Timorense em 20 de Maio de 2006.

Durante o fim de semana de 21 e 22 de Janeiro, vieram à superfície nos media maledicências contra o Primeiro-Ministro, alegando que ele e o Presidente da FRETILIN Lu-Olo tinham de certo modo fabricado a morte dos três ex-milícia na fronteira para aumentar a sua popularidade. O Primeiro-Ministro rejeitou essas alegações.

Lu-Olo apelou ao Comité Central da FRETILIN para trabalhar unida para ultrapassar esforços para dividir a FRETILIN, que já tinham vindo à superfície nos distúrbios de 4 de Dezembro de 2002. Começam relatos de que José Luis Guterres, Embaixador nos USA e na ONU, e um membro do Comité Central da FRETILIN contestarão a liderança do partido no Congresso a realizar-se em Maio.

Na mesma altura o Presidente Gusmão estava em New York, apelando para um Gabinete Político Especial da ONU operar em Timor-Leste depois de 20 de Maio, 2006, com uma componente militar de 15-20 pessoas para assistir ao longo da fronteira com a Indonésia. Rejeitou as recomendações principais da CAVR para os cinco membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança mais a Indonésia e Portugal, pagarem reparações para os crimes cometidos em Timor-Leste entre 1975 e 1999, e para o apontamento de juízes para investigar e julgar os criminosos.

Em 25 de Janeiro, o Primeiro-Ministro Mari Alkatiri respondeu outra vez aos media sobre rumores de divisões no interior da FRETILIN como sendo só rumores, e avisou os membros da FRETILIN que eles estavam a ser circulados por estrangeiros e locais também.

O Primeiro-Ministro abriu a reunião do Grupo de Consulta sobre Transparência e Responsabilidade na Administração Pública na Sexta-feira, 27 de Janeiro, que ouviu o relatório da Missão Especial de Especialistas, composta pelo líder da equipa Mr. G. Shabbir Cheema, Conselheiro Principal e Director do Program (Sistemas e Instituições de Governança) Departmento de Assuntos Económicos e Sociais, Nações Unidas e correntemente a Visiting Fellow no Instituto para Governança Democrática e Inovação na Harvard University; Mr. Peter Blunt do Programa de Desenvolvimento da ONU (PNUD) e u consultor de gestão internacional e Adjunct Professor de Gestão na Northern Territory University, Australia; Mr. Bertrand de Speville do Banco Mundial e sócio principal na de Speville and Associates, uma firma de consultadoria anti-corrupção com base em Londres; Ms. Terhi Nieminen-Makynen, uma veterana do Parlamento e do Ministério dos Assuntos Estrangeiros da Finlândia; e Mr. David Mattiske da Transparência Internacional, bem como um consultor de gestão estratética e conselheiro de políticas. Esta equipa tem estado a investigar o governo desde 16 deJaneiro.

Apresentando uma súmula das suas conclusões na Reunião, a equipa enfatizou que Timor-Leste tem progredido estabelecendo uma infra-estrutura institucional como o núcleo duro do seu Estado democrático, e que o país se move agora para uma “segunda geração” de construção institucional na consolidação da sua democracia. Neste contexto, o painel delineou e priorizou 10 áreas institucionais e sugeriu certas recomendações chave nessas áreas:

• Sistema Eleitoral — Uma consulta inclusiva, alargada para definir a política eleitoral, na base da qual se defina a lei eleitoral, deve ser iniciada imediatamente e a própria lei elaborada rapidamente; A Comissão Nacional de Eleições independente deve ser protegida e a sua capacidade fortalecida, e os seus membros devem ser pagos, empregados da comissão em full-time; A ambos, ao Secretariado Técnico da Administração das Eleições, e aos partidos políticos do país deve ser dado apoio pelo Governo para construir capacidades técnicas.

• Parlamento Nacional — Os Parlamentares precisam de mais tempo para considerarem o esboço da legislação e o Orçamento nacional; Devem ser aumentadas e institucionalizadas as oportunidades para discussão entre comités parlamentares e Ministérios; Os procedimentos e práticas parlamentares devem reforçar a sua independência e autoridade; São necessárias várias formas de construção de capacidade e de apoio.

• Sistemas legal, judicial e de aplicação da lei — Deve ser aumentado o acesso tornando as leis acessíveis aos cidadãos ordinários, processando as leis, os procedimentos dos tribunais e documentos legais nas duas línguas oficiais, reforçando serviços de interpretação/tradução, e estudando maneiras de melhorar o acesso das mulheres ao sistema da justiça; Em relação à cláusula da difamação, as provisões do Código Penal devem requerer que o tribunal seja satisfeito com a intenção do réu de causar dano deliberadamente e deve ser reconsiderado o poder de prisão por ofensas de difamação, ao mesmo tempo que o Código Civil correntemente a ser esboçado deve incluir provisões para difamação civil; Deve ser melhorada a defesa pública e sistemas de gestão de casos; Os contractos com profissionais legais internacionais devem ser estendidos por pelo menos 12 meses para apoiar a capacidade de construção do sistema legal e a sobrecarga ee casos; É necessário maior treino de línguas para os profissionais legais e os intérpretes; Deve formar-se o Conselho Superior do Procurador Publico tão cedo quanto possível dado que há Timorenses qualificados; A Autoridade e a responsabilidade para a performance e conduta da polícia deve manter-se unicamente no comandante da PNTL.

• Gabinete do Inspector Geral—A lei orgânica deste Gabinete deve ser aprovada e o seu papel deve excluir lidar com assuntos de corrupção; esse papel deve ser transferido para o Gabinete do Provedor, com quem o Inspector-Geral deve estabelecer fortes ligações operacionais.

• Gabinete do Provedor para os Direitos Humanos e Justiça — Uma especial dotação orçamental deve ser feita para este Gabinete ficar completamente operacional em Junho de 2006 e o plano de implementação do Gabinete deve ser endossado pela Administração; Expatriados qualificados devem trabalhar juntamente com os seus parceiros Timorenses; Devem ser feitas regularmente análises de opinião pública sobre a corrupção para estabelecer uma linha de base com que medir o progresso.

• Gabinete do Conselheiro dos Direitos Humanos — Deve ser feita a lei orgânica do Gabinete; o Gabinete deve estabelecer e manter relações com o Gabinete do Provedor e representantes da Sociedade Civil.

• O Fundo do Petróleo — O Fundo deve continuar a aderir aos princípios da transparência acordados na sua fundação, e o Parlamento Nacional deve nomear tão cedo quanto possível um Conselho Consultivo Independente, que incluirá representantes da Sociedade Civil.

• O Serviço Civil — Devem ser aprovadas regulamentos subsidiários que respondam ao recrutamento, selecção, valorização e desenvolvimento das carreiras; Deve ser dada prioridade a um treino alargado no serviço civil sobre ética e códigos de consulta e delegação da autoridade; O sistema de descentralização deve ser expandido a outras partes do país, onde aos funcionários locais eleitos deve ser dada consciência da importância da participação e do envolvimento comunitário.

• Tribunal Superior Administrativo, Fiscal e de Contas — Este tribunal deve ser estabelecido logo que haja pessoal qualificado, e entretanto estas responsabilidades devem ser assumidas pelo Tribunal de Recurso. Até o tribunal estar estabelecido, o Governo deve continuar a usar firmas internacionais para auditar as contas do Estado. A transferência da responsabilidade do contrato do auditor externo do Governo para o Tribunal de Recurso deve ser completada como prevista em 2006.

• A Sociedade Civil e os Media — Uma lei de Liberdade de Informação deve ser implementada; As ligações entre a Sociedade Civil e o Governo devem ser fortalecidas; Os requerimentos para registo das organizações da sociedade civil devem ser bem publicitadas e a sua data corrente de limite de registo deve ser estendida; Deve-se criar uma lei de imprensa que defina os direitos e as responsabilidades dos media e confirme o direito à liberdade de expressão; o aparelho emissor de rádio nacional deve ser incluído nas comissões nacionais e os aparelhos emissores nacionais devem ser estendidos para cobrirem todo o país.

A seguir à apresentação das recomendações, fizeram intervenções o Vice-Presidente do Parlamento Nacional, o Chefe da Justiça, o Provedor para os Direitos Humanos e a Justiça, o Inspector -Geral, o Conselheiro do Primeiro-Ministro para os Direitos Humanos, quatro Ministros do Governo, e um Vice Ministro. Uma segunda sessão foi então presidida pelo Provedor dos Direitos Humanos e Justiça Sebastião Dias Ximenes e incluiu uma discussão aberta a todos. O Vice SRSG Bajwa, que fechou a sessão, sublinhou que o objectivo da Missão foi avaliar as realizações até à data e propor recomendações que farão avançar instituições do Estado e do Governo de Timor-Leste para uma democracia sustentável. Acrescentou que a iniciativa do Primeiro-Ministro indica “a vontade política da liderança deste país em fundar uma base firme da democracia, no interior e no exterior do Governo, para o povo de Timor-Leste.” Também sublinhou a necessidade de um breve e claro plano de implementação, sem o qual o trabalho válido desta missão de especialistas permanecerá um exercício teórico.

Em 28 de Janeiro, pela primeira vez em 2006, o Secretário-geral do Partido Democrático (PD) Mariano Sabina Lopez, e o Presidente, Fernando de Araújo Lasama, apelaram à resignação do Primeiro-Ministro Alkatir, alegando que ele tinha recebido luvas da companhia de petróleo Oceanic Exploration Limited, e por retirar uma acção de calúnia contra a Oceanic Exploration num tribunal dos USA acerca disto.

Em New York, a Secretária de Estado dos USA Condoleeza Rice levantou preocupação junto do Presidente Gusmão sobre a cláusula da difamação no novo proposto Código Penal de Timor-Leste.

Houve relatos confusos nos media que na Missa de Domingo em Same, Fr Domingos Soares (aliás Maubere) disse aos participantes que os alunos enviados para Cuba pelo Governo, transformarão Timor-Leste num país comunista e que se a FRETILIN ganhar a próxima eleição geral, matarão todos os padres e freiras. Também foi relatado que disse que o Governo devia dividir o dinheiro do petróleo pela população. As fontes foram membros da FRETILIN que atenderam a missa.

Isto foi mais tarde denunciado por deputados da FRETILIN como falsidades para desacreditar a FRETILIN.

Ambos o Primeiro-Ministro Alkatiri e o Presidente do Parlamento Lu-Olo dizem que estão a preparar para endossar a uma geração mais nova, mas que não sairão empurrados. O Primeiro-Ministro anunciou que vai fazer uma visita de duas semanas a Portugal, regressando em 19 de Fevereiro.

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Há medos e medos

João Paulo Esperança Segunda-feira, Agosto 07, 2006
http://blogs.publico.pt/timor/


Ontem à noite estávamos na cama, no escuro, a ouvir os ecos de fritos e de ferros a bater uns nos outros ao longe, e a minha mulher começou a contar-me como o ruído dos metais a fazia lembrar do que aontecera na terra dela, Liquiçá, em 1999. Perante a aproximação das hordas dos assassinos pirómanos da milícia Besi Merah Putih, os habitantes batiam nos ferros que arranjassem ou nos postes de electricidade para tentar atrair socorro.
Pensei no que seria crescer a sentir medo, senti um nó na garganta. Em 1999, em Portugal, eu era membro de associações de direitos humanos, de ONGs, de movimentos de solidariedade, e tinha muitos anos de convívio com a comunidade timorense aí exilada. No “Setembro Negro” estava em Bissau, num projecto de formação de professores, e quando ía à Guiné Telecom ver o meu e.mail tinha a caixa de correio cheia de mensagens de uma lista de discussão de timorenses de que era membro onde se cruzavam agora informações sobre o paradeiro de familiares de amigos meus da diáspora. Fulano tal foi morto, sicrano desapareceu mas a tia de tal disse que o viu a fugir para Dare, ou para Atambua, ou para uma valeta qualquer...
Estava solidário e triste com as dores e a ansiedade dos meus amigos, mas não estava directamente implicado. Ontem, com a cabeça da minha mulher apoiada no meu ombro, perguntei-me como era possível tantos timorenses continuarem a arranjar coragem de recomeçar de novo depois de tantas vezes terem perdido tudo: casa, bens, entes queridos... Lembrei-me de como no nosso casamento, lá em Liquiçá, ela me apresentava às amigas da escola e depois de algumas delas se afastarem acrescentava “O pai dela foi morto em 99”.
Um perfume suave emanava dos seus cabelos e continuou a falar, explicou-me que depois do massacre na Igreja se ficava agoniado com o cheiro a sangue quando ainda se estava longe do recinto.
Perguntei-lhe se agora tinha medo como nessa altura. Respondeu-me que em 99 os polícias e militares eram indonésios, os pedidos de socorro eram inúteis, o medo era sem esperança, agora é diferente, agora há a GNR.

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Comunicado à Imprensa - PM

REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA DE TIMOR-LESTE
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO

INFORMAÇÃO À IMPRENSA

Restantes membros do Governo empossados

Em cerimónia prevista para as 16h00 desta terça-feira, 8 de Agosto, no Palácio de Lahane, em Díli, será conferida posse pelo Presidente da República, Xanana Gusmão, aos seguintes membros do Governo:

- ministra da Administração Estatal, Ana Pessoa;
- vice-ministro da Educação para o Ensino Técnico e Superior, Vítor Conceição Soares; - vice-ministra da Justiça, Isabel Ferreira;
- secretário de Estado para a Coordenação da Região I (Lautém, Viqueque e Baucau), José Reis;
- secretário de Estado para a Coordenação da Região II (Manatuto, Manufahi e Ainaro), Adriano Corte-Real;
- secretário de Estado para a Coordenação da Região III (Díli, Aileu e Ermera), Carlos da Conceição de Deus;
- secretário de Estado para a Coordenação da Região IV (Liquiçá, Bobonaro e Cova-Lima), Lino Torrezão;
- secretário de Estado residente em Oe-Cusse, Albano Salem.

Da estrutura orgânica do II Governo Constitucional, ficam ainda por ser preenchidos os cargos de vice-ministro dos Transportes e das Comunicações e de secretário de Estado da Cultura.

Inspector-geral toma posse

O primeiro-ministro, José Ramos-Horta, confere posse esta terça-feira, 8 de Agosto, ao novo inspector-geral de Timor-Leste, Manuel Coutinho Bucar.

Licenciado em Economia pela Universidade de Udayana (Bali, Indonésia), Manuel Coutinho Bucar tem 38 anos, é desde 2001 decano da Faculdade de Economia da Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e e já desempenhou funções de comissário na Comissão Nacional de Eleições.

O novo inspector-geral sucede no cargo a Mariano Lopes da Cruz, que faleceu a 5 de Maio.

A tomada de posse está marcada para o Palácio de Lahane, em Díli, devendo ocorrer a seguir à tomada de posse dos restantes membros do II Governo Constitucional de Timor-Leste.


Díli, 7 de Agosto de 2006

Comunicado - PN

Hoje, dia 7 e Agosto de 2006, às 20h30, com retransmissão amanhã dia 8 de Agosto, à 19h30, irá ser transmitida pela TVTL a apresentação do “Orçamento em Timor-Leste”.O Presidente da Comissão Especializada Permanente de Economia e Finanças, Sr. Francisco Lelan, irá explicar a importância de documentos chave como o Plano de Desenvolvimento Nacional, o Plano de Investimento Sectorial e o Plano de Acção Anual, para depois descrever o processo orçamental e o papel fundamental desempenhado pelo Parlamento Nacional. Por último, será feita breve referência à Proposta de Lei do Orçamento Geral do Estado para o Ano Fiscal de 2006/07.

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Observação e cronologia da crise de Timor-Leste em 2006 (V) - trad.

Tradução da Margarida:

Conclusão

A crise em Timor-Leste em 2006 foi uma tentativa de golpe constitucional, seguido de uma tentativa de golpe armado, com a jogada final de remover o governo a tomar lugar na presença de tropas estrangeiras. O golpe constitucional falhou porque o Presidente não concordaria com a exigência de despedir o governo.

O golpe armado quase teve sucesso porque um terço das forças armadas tinham desertado, uma componente destas estavam armadas, e no meio do seu assalto de três dias em Dili, a estrutura de comando da polícia colapsou e a maioria dos polícias em Dili juntaram-se ao lado dos amotinados ou fugiram, enquanto uma minoria juntou-se às forças armadas do governo. O Major Reinado expressou um alto nível de confiança que tinha o apoio da forças internacionais, e que estas desarmariam as F-FDTL e derrubariam o governo. O tenente Salsinha expressou expectativas similares.

Contudo, este golpe armado falhou ainda porque a estrutura de comando das F-FDTL se manteve coerente e leal ao governo e a sua força remanescente de 800 soldados foi capaz de remover de Dili as forças amotinadas por volta de 26 de Maio. Por essa altura chegaram as forças internacionais e foi ordenado às forças armadas para cessarem o engajamento e regressarem aos seus quartéis num prazo de 48 horas – o que fizeram.

Continuaram esforços para desestabilizar a situação em múltiplos níveis, e houve intensa pressão internacional sobre o governo para resignar. Esses esforços incluíram o raid por gangs ligados à Indonésia ao Gabinete do Procurador-Geral para roubar os arquivos relacionados com o TNI 1999.

Mas com base no seu próprio sentimento de apoio da maioria e no sucesso do Congresso da FRETILIN, o governo continuou a afirmar a sua força.

O 'governo à espera' é uma combinação do PSD e PD, ainda à espera que outras forças lhes entreguem o poder, em vez de o ganharem eles próprios. Em 13 de Junho ainda se reuniam para inventarem maneiras de convencer o Presidente a demitir o governo – uma perspectiva a minguar.

Se a desestabilização diminuir rapidamente, o governo será capaz de convencer os deslocados a regressarem a casa, e começar o trabalho de como reconstruir a força da polícia, reestruturar as forças armadas, implementar o seu ambicioso programa económico e preparar o terreno, com a assistência da ONU para eleições livres e justas.

O Presidente, o Primeiro-Ministro e o Presidente do Parlamento pediram ao Conselho de Segurança da ONU para providenciarem cerca de 800 polícias por cerca de dois anos, para substituir a força militar Australiana. Haverá uma luta do governo de Howard para reter uma voz decisiva nesta força da ONU, mas haverá pressão em sentido contrário doutros países.

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Observação e cronologia da crise de Timor-Leste em 2006 (V) - trad.

Tradução da Margarida:

Liderança política

Uma ruptura nas relações entre o Presidente e o Primeiro-Ministro só pareceu desenvolver-se depois do assassinato em Dili de 10 (mais tarde 12) e dos ferimentos de 27 polícias desarmados que se tinham rendido à polícia da ONU em 25 de Maio. O Presidente declarou completo controlo sobre as forças de segurança, e o Primeiro-Ministro discordou, dizendo que o seu próprio papel constitucional continuava, a não ser que o parlamento declarasse o Estado de Emergência. Seguiram-se três dias de conversações, que acabaram numa declaração menor em 30 de Maio de um período de 30 dias de Crise Nacional, no qual todos os elementos do Estado deviam trabalhar mais próximos para ultrapassar a crise. O Presidente Gusmão disse que todas as armas deviam ser entregues dentro de 30 dias. A próxima prioridade era negociar as questões com os grupos amotinados, e a terceira era a preparação das eleições de 2007.

O Primeiro-Ministro declarou que o Presidente nunca tinha pedido a sua resignação.

No dia seguinte o Primeiro-Ministro disse ao Presidente que os Ministros Rodrigues e Lobato tinham resignado. O Ministro dos Estrangeiros Horta foi nomeado Ministro da Defesa interino. O governo também pediu formalmente à ONU para investigar todos os incidentes da violência.

A isso seguiu-se um criticismo ao Primeiro-Ministro mais determinado nos media pelo Ministro dos Estrangeiros, bem como uma declaração mais extrema do Tenente Salsinha e do Major Reinado contra o Primeiro-Ministro. Em 9 de Junho emergiu um novo elemento com um Comandante Railos alegando que em 8 de Maio o Primeiro-Ministro e o Ministro do Interior Lobato lhe tinham dado e a um grupo de veteranos armas e lhes tinham ordenado para eliminar os soldados peticionários e os opositores dentro da FRETILIN. No dia seguinte o Presidente Lasama do PD reclamou que estava na lista de ataque do Primeiro-Ministro.

Pedidos para a resignação do Primeiro-Ministro atingiram novas alturas. O Comandabte Railos e a sua força armada foram videofilmados por uma TV Australiana na vivenda do Presidente do PSD Mário Carrascalão, fora de Dili. Railos fez a revelação curiosa que as suas forças estiveram sob o fogo da F-FDTL em Tasi Tolu em 24 de Maio e que sofreram casualidades, e por isso ele tinha mudado de campo.

Em 14 de Junho, o Presidente dirigiu-se ao parlamento para declarar que suportaria sempre a Constituição e a regra da lei em Timor-Leste enquanto fosse Presidente, aparentemente pondo um fim nas expectativas de que de algum modo demitiria o Primeiro-Ministro.

A seguir o Primeiro-Ministro e o Presidente concordaram em remover a provisão criminal da difamação no novo código penal e pediram ao parlamento para expandir o período de discussão do Código Penal para possibilitar esta emenda. O governo também alterou o orçamento para providenciar mais fundos para a reconstrução e bem-estar dos deslocados.

Em 17 de Junho, alguns membros do Comité Central da FRETILIN liderados pelo Ministro Estanislau da Silva encontrou-se com o Bispo Ricardo de Dili para estabelecer um diálogo mais próximo para responder a esta crise séria juntos. Depois disso fizeram declarações muito positivas para os media.

As tensões foram aguçadas pela exposição na televisão Australiana do grupo armado de Vicente Reilos em 9 e 15 de Junho. Este grupo alegadamente foi organizado pelo agora resignado Ministro do Interior Rogério Lobato em 7-8 de Maio deste ano como uma força armada secreta da FRETILIN. Reilos alegou que isso foi sob ordens do Primeiro-Ministro. Em 20 de Junho, foi anunciado que Lobato seria preso por ter armado civis, e foi impedido de sair do país essa manhã no aeroporto. Outra vez, o Ministro dos Estrangeiros e da Defesa Horta reclamou ter apoio popular para ser Primeiro-Ministro e disse que Alkatiri não tinha vergonha por continuar depois de toda esta controvérsia. Horta até posou na TV com o grupo armado de Reilos, que pouco depois disse que iria entregar as suas armas. Um problema para a história de Reilos é que este alegado grupo da FRETILIN tomou parte no ataque de 24 de Maio ao Quartel-General das F-FDTL. Alkatiri continuou a rejeitar estas alegações e pedidos para resignar, e continuou a apoiar uma independente, internacional investigação de todos os incidentes e alegações.

Há tensões entre Gusmão e Horta por um lado, e com Alkatiri e a FRETILIN no outro, expressados em abordagens diferentes do desenvolvimento económico, e apoio não oficial de Horta e Gusmão para o PSD desde 2001. Há alargado criticismos ao modo de Alkatiri lidar com criticas, uma aspereza e rectidão que não é a prática cultural em Timor-Leste. Mas isto não conta para uma base para cada um dos lados lançar um golpe contra o outro.

Como esta crise e as crises anteriores demonstraram, as exigências dos manifestantes são no fim inaceitáveis para todos os líderes políticos, que de facto permanecem em geral comprometidos com a visão de 1974 da FRETILIN duma sociedade em Timor-Leste livre, democrática e justa.

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Observação e cronologia da crise de Timor-Leste em 2006 (IV) - trad.

Tradução da Margarida:

Envolvimento Internacional

A disputa dos soldados foi mais longe do que os casos anteriores em 2002, 2004 e 2005 porque as figuras publicas envolvidas acreditavam que tinham apoio internacional que lhes garantiria que o governo de Alkatiri seria removido.

O primeiro indicador sério disso foi a postura dos Embaixadores dos USA e da Austrália na reunião do Conselho de Segurança da ONU em 5 de Maio. Primeiro o Ministro dos Estrangeiros Horta e depois o Representante Hasegawa e o Secretário-geral Annan pediram um mandato de 12 meses para uma nova missão da ONU em Timor-Leste para assistir até depois das eleições de 2007. Depois todos os outros oradores concordaram, excepto a Austrália e os USA. Só quiseram uma extensão do mandato de Hasegawa por um mês e foi o que aconteceu. A opinião dos USA era estender até 20 de Junho e depois ver o que fazer. Este recuo foi rapidamente re-apresentada como um passo positivo pela ONU, mas foi uma recusa brusca e não colaborante para responder à opinião Timorense e do mundo.

O segundo indicador veio na semana seguinte quando o Comité da Segurança Nacional da Austrália se reuniu e decidiu mobilizar uma força de intervenção. Isso foi anunciado em 12 de Maio e o Primeiro-Ministro Howard então viajou para os USA, Canadá, e Irlanda. Este passo contradisse a postura pública tomada na ONU de que Timor-Leste não necessitava de outros 12 meses da assistência da ONU.

O Primeiro-Ministro Howard anunciou numa declaração que a Austrália era um amigo de Timor-Leste pronta a ajudar se pedisse, mas o governo de Timor-Leste ouviu esta decisão nos noticiários.

O terceiro sinal veio quando a Embaixada Australiana em Dili anunciou aos jornalistas em 15 de Maio que havia uma grande e bem armada força em Ermera pronta para atacar o Congresso. Outra vez, ministros Timorenses estavam a assegurar às pessoas que não havia base para esta declaração, mas tornou-se uma realidade em 23 de Maio quando o Major Reinado entrou em Fatu Ahi, por cima de Dili, e abriu fogo contra as forças armadas. Há também a suspeita de coordenação entre a Embaixada Australiana e o Major Reinado na marcação de uma entrevista de David O'Shea em 23 de Maio que pôs o ataque armado na filmagem da câmara.

O quarto sinal veio em 26 de Maio quando o Primeiro-Ministro Australiano Howard tinha acabado de regressar e as forças Australianas já estavam comprometidas em Timor-Leste. Ele declarou nesse dia que Timor-Leste tinha sido “pobremente governado durante anos”. Repetiu isso em 28 de Maio dizendo que tinha de haver mudança no governo de Timor-Leste. Isto alimentou uma j+a predatória agenda dos media contra o Primeiro-Ministro Alkatiri na Austrália.

O quinto sinal é que a larga presença militar Australiana em Dili não restaurou a ordem contra gangs de jovens pobremente armados, e não desarmou os grupos amotinados. Em vez disso, o clima de desordem foi o modo de fazer pressão sobre o Presidente Gusmão para demitir o Primeiro-Ministro Alkatiri, possivelmente para o substituir por José Ramos Horta. A fórmula usada era que a Austrália era estritamente neutra e que os Timorenses tinham que resolver as suas diferenças eles próprios.

O sexto sinal – mais ambíguos – é que a mulher do Presidente, a Australiana Kirsty Sword Gusmão, apareceu duas vezes na televisão, numa a dizer que o seu marido queria que o governo resignasse.

O sétimo sinal é que Portugal protestou formalmente contra a interferência Australiana nos assuntos internos de Timor-Leste no fim de semana de 27-28 de Maio.

O oitavo sinal são os artigos publicados no The Australian na semana de 29 de Maio por Paul Kelly e Greg Sheridan, projectando a opinião próxima da do governo que a Austrália do pós-11 de Setembro tem de interferir e mudar governos regionais para evitar Estados falhados. Esta opinião parece ter sido combatida pelo Departamento dos Negócios Estrangeiros. Havia também a opinião mais extremista do lobby de Jakarta que Timor-Leste nunca devia ter sido independente.

O nono sinal é a apresentação por académicos de Defesa no ANU forum sobre Timor-Leste em 9 de Junho. Três oradores declararam energicamente que o jogo era verem-se livres de Alkatiri para evitar o desperdício de mais fundos do programa de cooperação militar em Timo-Leste.

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Observação e cronologia da crise de Timor-Leste em 2006 (III) - trad.

Tradução da Margarida:

O protesto dos soldados

Fontes do governo dizem agora que oficiais das forças armadas foram abordados no ano passado para retirarem o apoio ao governo, mas que recusaram.

O foco para a dinâmica politica que finalmente explodiu no final de Maio foi a queixa de soldados do 'oeste' que eram injustamente tratados. Isto começou com uma petição anónima para o comandante das forças armadas, o Brigadeiro General Taur Matan Ruak à volta de 11 de Janeiro. Ele imediatamente a referiu ao Presidente Gusmão que por escrito lhe ordenou que resolvesse o assunto rapidamente.

Numa inspecção mais próxima, a queixa de tratamento injusto não tinha base, e foi usada como um pretexto para uma campanha de desestabilização política. 'Leste' e 'Oeste' em Timor-Leste grosseiramente corresponde a rivalidades entre Estados Australianos, ou a más anedotas à custa dos Tasmanianos. Não tem base étnica. Há 16 grupos étnicos em Timor-Leste, não dois.

As forças armadas têm 1,500 membros. Há dois batalhões regulares e dois batalhões de reserva. Os soldados do 1º Batalhão foram mudados para mais perto da área das suas casas quando foram relocalizados de Lospalos, do longínquo leste, para Baucau. Eles mudaram para quartéis renovados. Muitos destes soldados foram seleccionados para programas de treino especial na Austrália, nos USA, China e Malásia.

Longe de lhes ser dada pouca consideração, foi-lhes dado opções atraentes. Não eram veteranos da resistência, mas tropas mais jovens a quem foi dado treino especial.

Ao soldado que emergiu como seu líder, o Tenente Salsinha, foi recusada a promoção a capitão porque ele foi encontrado a fazer contrabando de madeira de sândalo para a Indonésia e a trazer cerveja no regresso, em veículos militares. Ele não tem capacidades politicas. O sistema da justiça militar não foi criado, e requer uma nova lei, e por isso o Tenente Salsinha não foi rapidamente preso e julgado pelo alegado contrabando.

O comando das forças armadas abriu imediatamente um inquérito à petição, mas o Tenente Salsinha assegurou que não mais do que uns poucos soldados cooperassem. Depois de um protesto pelos soldados em Dili em 8 de Fevereiro, quando o Presidente compreendeu que os soldados não cooperariam, ele sustentou-os e trouxe imputs alargados à investigação. Mesmo assim continuou a não haver cooperação. O Tenente Salsinha exigia que o comandante do Batalhão fosse demitido. Os 594 soldados foram demitidos pelo comandante das forças armadas, General Matan Ruak, em meados de Março, mas isso foi usado para escalar o protesto e para exigir que o comandante das forças armadas fosse suspenso pelo Presidente.

O padrão de reclamações ao Presidente para agir unilateralmente contra o governo emergiu. É justo dizer-se que o Tenente Salsinha geriu a disputa de modo a garantir que não pudesse haver acordo para a resolver.

Desde o princípio o governo tinha reparado em envolvimento politica por detrás da disputa dos soldados, mas sentiu que podia gerir isso como tinha feito em 2002, 2004 e 2005. Havia unanimidade alargada entre o Presidente, o Primeiro-Ministro, o Ministro dos Estrangeiros Horta e o comando das forças armadas e a maioria dos partidos políticos que os soldados não deviam ter desertado ou estado em greve. Este entendimento só se rompeu em 23 de Março quando o Presidente adoptou uma posição equivoca sobre o despedimento dos soldados. Isto encorajou a escalada que se seguiu dos protestos e das reclamações, que mudou para a suspensão do General Matan Ruak e a demissão do governo.

Mesmo assim, as principais instituições estatais trabalharam próximas para gerirem a manifestação de 24 a 27 de Abril e o que aconteceu depois do choque violento em 28 de Abril, e até mesmo ao colapso da polícia em 25 de Maio. Em 28 de Abril, um relativamente pequeno grupo de cerca de 120 manifestantes foi contido por apenas cerca de 20 polícias e partiram fúria queimando carros, partindo o Palácio do Governo e depois numa fúria de incêndio de casas e de assaltos físicos no lado oeste de Dili á volta de Tasi Tolu. Somente uma pequena parte dos soldados tomaram parte nisto. O governo ordenou às forças armadas para conterem a violência em 28 de Abril quando a polícia não aguentou. Os manifestantes armados com granadas e espingardas atacaram a polícia que respondeu ao fogo. Quatro pessoas foram confirmadas mortas e houve cerca de 70 feridos em todos os lados.

Havia um sentido profundo de crise quando o Major Reinado liderou uma pequena força de cerca de 17 polícias militares para fora de Dili com as suas armas, por volta de 3 de Maio. Os soldados peticionários não tinham armas, mas o Major Reinado estava bem armado, e a jogar o mesmo jogo de rejeitar o governo mas dizendo que era leal para o Presidente. O Major Reinado tinha beneficiado de treino no Staff College na Austrália no final de 2005,e não se podia queixar acerca de promoções. Justificou o que fez com a acusação de que o Primeiro-Ministro ordenara às tropas para disparar contra civis 28 de Abril. Mais tarde mudou para queixas políticas dizendo que a FRETILIN e Alkatiri eram comunistas e tinham de ser destruídos.

Em meados de Junho dizia que a FRETILIN era para todos os Timorenses e que devia ser abraçada, mas depois “metida num museu” e substituída por novos partidos. Dizendo que estava a ser comandado pelo Presidente, entregou as 12 armas do seu grupo às forças Australianas em 16 de Junho.

Rapidamente o foco mudou para o Congresso da FRETILIN entre 17-19 de Maio, que re-elegeu Mari Alkatiri e Lu-Olo como Secretário-Geral e Presidente. Apesar de haver diferenças reais no interior da FRETILIN sobre o desenvolvimento económico, e ambições pessoais, houve um apoio esmagador à liderança de Alkatiri – Lu-Olo. Houve ameaças dos soldados amotinados nas montanhas contra o Congresso, mas não se materializaram.

A base para a confiança dos líderes era a lealdade dos comandos das forças armadas e da polícia. Quando o comando da polícia mudou para o lado dos amotinados em 24-25 de Maio, o governo, a presidência e o parlamento convidaram forças armadas e policiais da Austrália, Malásia, Nova Zelândia e Portugal para restaurar a ordem. O tiroteio contra 39 polícias desarmados com 12 mortos, perto do complexo da ONU em Dili em 25 de Maio foi o pior incidente, e está agora a ser investigado pela polícia internacional, particularmente a Polícia Federal Australiana. Dois desses que abriram fogo eram soldados das F-FDTL, mas dois civis numa motorizada foram também vistos a abrir fogo contra a polícia e os soldados antes de escaparem.

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Observação e cronologia da crise de Timor-Leste em 2006 (II) - trad.

Tradução da Margarida:

Contexto Internacional

No início de, Timor-Leste estava embrulhada em controvérsia com a Indonésia e a Austrália, e o governo dos USA estava a dar passos no seu processo de normalizar as relações com os militares Indonésios, partidas desde o massacre de Dili nos finais de 1991.

A decisão da Austrália de dar asilo a 42 pessoas da Papua Oeste, em Março, inflamou grandemente a hostilidade da TNI em relação à Austrália, e o governo Indonésio queixou-se que a Austrália estava a repetir o que fizera para tirar o Leste de Timor da Indonésia.

O Presidente Gusmão estava a promover o relatório da Comissão de Acolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação (CAVR) sobre os abusos da Indonésia durante a sua invasão e ocupação, e isto inflamou outra vez o comando da TNI. Também, os ajustamentos de Timor-Leste na sua zona económica exclusive e as fronteiras marítimas com a Austrália tinham invadido os interesses Indonésios.

Finalmente, o governo de Timor-Leste tinha acabado de assinar um acordo com o governo Australiano sobre a partilha de rendimentos do campo de petróleo e gás do Greater Sunrise, um processo no qual o governo Australiano abertamente ressentiu as queixas de ambos o Presidente Gusmão e o Primeiro-Ministro Alkatiri que estavam a roubar Timor-Leste. Este acordo está ainda por ratificar pelos dois parlamentos.

As questões políticas domésticas andavam à volta da lei da difamação proposta, do próximo Congresso da FRETILIN e da perspectiva de eleições presidenciais e parlamentares em Abril 2007. O governo preparava um orçamento muito maior e um programa de investimentos usando os recentemente adquiridos rendimentos do petróleo.

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Observação e cronologia da crise de Timor-Leste em 2006 (I) - tradução

Tradução da Margarida:

Observação e cronologia da crise de Timor-Leste em 2006
(Recebido de um leitor identificado)

Análise

O terrível fracasso do processo político e de segurança em Timor-Leste desde 28 de Abril 28 e depois outra vez desde 23 de Maio, teve lugar contra um fundo de pressão nacional e internacional, e uma história de conflito político no interior do país desde Maio 2002. Em Agosto de 2001, a FRETILIN ganhou 55 lugares no parlamento com 88 membros, sendo os maiores partidos o Partido Democrático com sete, a Associação Social Democrática de Timor-Leste com seis, O Partido Social Democrático com seis, e o Partido Democrático Cristão com dois. A ASDT e o CDP jogaram um papel construtivo na Assembleia Constituinte e nos primeiros dias do parlamento. O PD e o PSD nunca aceitaram os resultados das eleições de 2001, e não foram uma oposição construtiva. Em vez disso tentaram usar a bem conhecida tensão entre o Presidente Gusmão e o Primeiro-Ministro Alkatiri, para persuadir o Presidente a demitir o governo. Ele recusou-se sempre a fazê-lo.

A dinâmica nacional foi expressa numa série de protestos de massas violentos, que levaram ou projectaram pedidos para o Presidente demitir o governo. O primeiro destes rebentou em 4 de Dezembro de 2002, com duas pessoas mortas pela polícia – então sob comando da UN – e a casa do Primeiro-Ministro a ser queimada antes da ordem ser restaurada. Essa situação relacionada com violência policial quando prendia um estudante por homicídio. Uma resposta importante foi o Presidente e o Primeiro-Ministro encontrarem-se semanalmente para coordenar as suas declarações públicas.

A segunda série de eventos em 2004 foi relacionada com os pedidos de pensões pelos veteranos da resistência. Houve tensão mas não tanta violência como em Dezembro de 2002. Outra vez ambos o Presidente e o Primeiro-Ministro jogaram os maiores papéis falando co assunto com os veteranos e criando um esquema de pensões que está agora a ser implementado.

Em Abril de 2005, os dois bispos e uns tantos padres montaram um protesto de três semanas em Dili, com cerca de 3000 participantes –a maioria de Ermera sob Fr Maubere – sobre o estatuto da educação religiosa nas escolas governamentais e o curriculum nacional. Isto foi outra vez manipulado pelo PSD e PD, que expuseram os bispos ao ridículo por pô-los a mudar as suas reivindicações. Outra vez, os partidos pediram que o Presidente despedisse o governo. O retirado Bispo Belo repreendeu os dois bispos beneficiados por desestabilizarem o país. As pessoas ordinárias reagiram fortemente contra o uso pela igreja da palavra ‘comunista’ para descrever o governo e a FRETILIN, porque esta era a desculpa usada pelos militares indonésios para massacrar o povo. Este protesto teve alguns aspectos violentos, mas foi resolvido sem uma crise maior. O Presidente criou um conselho consultivo no qual os líderes dos partidos da oposição se podiam sentar.

Há também um contexto de expatriados, onde muitas ONG’s expatriadas se recordam positivamente do CNRT (o Conselho Nacional da Resistência Timorense fundada em 1998), mas vêem a re-emergência da FRETILIN ae doutros partidos como negativa. Elas providenciam um palco sonoro para jornalistas em visita que têm sido invariavelmente negativos sobre o governo.

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Overview and chronology of Timor Leste crisis in 2006 (X) - END

Survey of Timorese and Regional Media (CONT)

May 2006

On May 2, President Gusmao appealed to all who supported independence for East Timor to unite again. He said calm was restored and the Police and Army had returned to barracks. PD MP Jose Nomiado alleged that the use of the army on April 28 was illegal and unconstitutional. FRETILIN MP Francisco Miranda asserted the opposite.

Speaking from a secret place outside Dili, Lt Salsinha focused his criticism on the Alkatiri government, but said he didn't want to overthrow the government.

President Gusmao wants to know how many were killed in Tasi Tolu on April 28, and the Government established a Commission composed of the Red Cross, the Dept of Health, the Police and the District Administrator of Dili to identify those who were killed and injured and to help Minister Bano identify families needing help to rebuild homes and damaged property.

Minister Horta blamed others for taking control of the April 28 protest, rejected claims that the government had failed to address the soldiers grievances, and asserted that there was no popular support for Lt Salsinha's group to mount a guerrilla resistance. For the first time in the media her reported that Lt Salsinha was a sandalwood smuggler and that was why he was demoted, not ethnicity. Rumours that the ex-soldiers were massing in Ermera to attack Dili were rebutted by Minister Lobato, Dudu, police and MPs from Ermera, who said it was calm there, and many of the soldiers had their homes there. Australian academic Damien Kingsbury said that these statements and similar ones by Minister Horta were evasive and the situation was worse. Labor Foreign Affairs spokesperson Kevin Rudd said it was important that Australia remain engaged and push for an extended UN presence.

The controversy continued over how many were killed at Tasi Tolu and why the military blocked the investigation of the Deputy Ombudsman there.

By May 4, Minister Ana Pessoa had made sure the new investigating commission had begun its work, and that a register of all the petitioning soldiers was started to be compiled so that they could all receive their pay and any dead or injured would be identified. The President and Prime Minister held a joint media conference to appeal for calm and to denounce rumours. With Ministers Lobato and Rodrigues, they ordered army patrols back to barracks and withdrew from the streets those police armed with automatic weapons, since these may have exacerbated public fear. Up to 8,000 people, mainly children were sheltering at Dom Bosco. Reports indicated that between 14,000 and 21,000 people fled Dili.

The Australian government advised its citizens in Dili to stay indoors, and for others to stay away from East Timor. Rumours of greater violence motivated a big exodus of women and children during Wednesday and Thursday. Foreign Minister Downer said it may be necessary to extend the UN mission, which Kofi Annan had proposed, but which the US had been opposing.

Prime Minister Howard said Australia was prepared to send troops to assist East Timor if requested by the country.

Foreign Minister Horta issued a media statement that Dili was calm, with no bad incidents since the riot of April 28, and that the media should check rumours to be facts before reporting them.

He said there were five confirmed deaths, 45 houses destroyed and 116 damaged. Minister Horta was at the UN Security Council on May 5 to brief them on the current disturbance and call for a new 12 month mission with police, to focus on the 2007 elections. He passionately asked for more police in the UN mission than had been proposed by Kofi Annan. He reassured the Council that the leaders of the people of the last 30 years were working together and determined to overcome this latest crisis.

The Prime Minister also issued a similar media statement, noting that the mobile phone system had collapsed for a period due to the rumours, also calling for all civil servants to report for work on May 8, and reporting on the work of the commission to investigate the April 28 riot and the higher commission investigating the petitioners demands, which had three months to report.

The government would rebuild the 45 destroyed houses and the Taibesse markets.
Over the weekend, controversy continued over the use of the Army on April 28, with KOTA asserting it was wrong because it was not authorised by the President.

RTTL reported on May 6 that a Major Alfredo Fernandes had left Dili with three dozen armed soldiers and police for the mountains,. The major told RTTL he had no violent intentions, but would only return when the petitioners were given justice. President Gusmao appealed for this group to return to Dili. This was Major Reinado and his group of Military Police. The Prime Minister had to issue a media statement that rumours of his resignation were totally untrue and that he was carrying out all his functions.

On May 7, the Prime Minister issued another media release, noting that seven of the PNTL Raid Deployment Unit who had left Dili had returned, and welcomed further signs of calm. He noted that the US Embassy had cancelled a charter flight to repatriate its citizens.

On May 8, General Matan Ruak called Lt Salsinha and asked his group to rethink and work for a peaceful solution. Matan Ruak said the soldiers had no clear vision of what they wanted, and noted that they had politicised an issue in the army by calling on the President to dissolve the Parliament and hold national elections. He said there was no discrimination in the army and looked forward tot he findings of the investigation. Prime Minister Alkatiri said that there was no need for Australian troops to come, as the situation was now calm and people were starting to return to Dili. But he said he wanted to keep the option of Australian troops open.

That day in Gleno, Ermera District, there was a tragic clash between the young people supporting the petitioning soldiers and a Government Minister and 6 UIR police who went there to protect the government office during a threatened boycott. There was a tense standoff when the crowd called for the six to be killed in revenge for the violence against the protesters in Dili on April 28. In the end there was a negotiation for the police to be disarmed and removed peacefully, but two were stabbed, one fatally.

On May 9, the Prime Minister held a media conference to report on the negative events in Gleno, but also positive moves to deal he the ex-soldiers. He called on them to continue not to use guns. He spelt out the government's policy of not using force, as shown in Gleno the previous day, and its desire to normalise life. He alleged that he was facing an attempted constitutional coup, where a group had used the soldiers' complaints to try to paralyse the government, leading to the President deciding to dissolve the parliament and the government and hold new elections. He advised political opponents to use the elections and not coups to change the government. He said that international forces were not needed now, but he was ready to ask for their help if the need did arise.

Jose Ramos Horta returned from the UN and reported that they had decided to extend the mandate of UNOTIL for one month and then review the situation after May 20.

On May 10, the funeral of the murdered policeman is highly emotive. His relatives are angry that he was killed due to politics. He was well respected in FRETILIN also. The President and Prime Minister were pressed at the funeral. Police are angry with their commanders for allowing them to be disarmed in the Gleno situation.

The Prime Minister accused the President of PD, Fernando de Araujo Lasama and his wife of being involved with the Petitioners, and for boosting claims that not 60 but even 100 were killed on April 28.

General Taur Matan Ruak spelt out the army's efforts to resolve the issues with the petitioning soldiers. Australia's Dept of Foreign Affairs renewed its travel warning to Australians, also warning of possible violence in Ermera, Aileu, and Liquica.

Ambassador to the UN and USA, Jose Luis Guterres, commenced a series of meetings to try to restore unity and save East Timor's international reputation. Foreign Minister Horta started to blame the government for the crisis, for not resolving the issue earlier. In consultation with the Prime Minister he commenced calls and efforts to meet with the soldiers in the hills.

Local political commentator Julio Pinto argued that the Prime Minister did not have the right to call out the army on April 28, and questioned the competence of the Ministers for Defence and Interior.

On May 10, the Prime Ministers media statement indicated good progress in making contact with ex-soldiers in Maliana and elsewhere, and providing them with financial support. The soldiers are expected to participate with the High Commission. Funds were voted for quality repair to the damaged properties from April 28. Seven people out of 90 detained after the murder of the police officer in Gleno remain in custody, and will go to court. No petitioners wee involved in the Gleno murder, but some demonstrators were. Many people are returning to Dili.
On May 11, the Prime Minister's media statement indicated more efforts to deal the the soldiers' crisis, and that it was hoped that Major Reinado and his 20 soldiers and police would soon return to Dili. No disciplinary action against them was being proposed. The investigation into how many were killed and injured on April 28 was completed, but the Prime Minister asked it to wait for a few more days to report because new rumours about what happened were coming forward. Foreign Minister Horta met with Major Reinado in Aileu, where it was peaceful.

The Minister will report to the President and General Ruak. Major Reinado promised there would be no war. Foreign Minister Horta requested the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to investigate the violence of April 28.

On May 12, Australian Prime Minister Howard announced that two warships Kanimbla and Manoora would be placed on standby in northern waters in case East Timor asked for help. He said no request had been received.

Over the weekend of May 13-14, Major Reinado visited President Gusmao at his residence in Balibar, and the President said that Major Reinado left Dili to help maintain calm in Aileu. The Major was reported to say that he respects the authority of General Ruak and wants to meet him to explain his move, and that he recognises President Gusmao as his Supreme Commander.

General Ruak spoke on TV saying that the desertion of the unarmed petitioning soldiers was bad enough, but the departure of Major Reinado with arms was much worse. He said he was trying to contact the Major to not use the weapons and to return the weapons to the F-FDTL.

Controversy continued about the role of PD in the April 28 incident, with its leader rejecting the allegation from the Prime Minister. But the Foreign Minister said in the weekend press that the PD President and his wife were contributing to the instability by their claims of 100 being killed on April 28.

On Sunday May 14, there was a peace concert at Motael Church, where President Gusmao called on the youth to use dialogue and solve issues peacefully.

On May 15, Ambassador to the US and UN, Jose Luis Guterres, and Minister for Region III Edigio de Jesus held a media conference to declare their candidacy against Mari Alkatiri and Lu-Olo for the FRETILIN leadership. The media conference was called by the 'Reformation Group', including resigned Development Minister Able Ximenes, former Ambassador to Australia George Teme, and Vicente Guterres. They criticised the leaders style as too confrontational, its lack of results for the country, and 'non neutral' foreign policy. The leaders responded by saying they were happy to face an election.

Lu-Olo rejected rumours that not all delegates would attend the FRETILIN Congress, and called on Central Committee members to calm the situation in their Districts.

The Parliament received the report from the investigation into April 28, affirming that the army's intervention was lawful, and that two people were killed, four injured, and seven arrested. The Deputy Ombudsman reported that the allegation of 60 deaths at Tasi Tolu was questionable and he wanted to investigate further.

Monday's press continued the debate about April 28, with Minister Horta saying the government had to take responsibility, and that the police and army needed moral support because of all the criticism. He rejected the east-west idea and warned against any division in he security services. Lu-Olo and others pointed out that problems in the police and army date from their creation by UNTAET and UNAMET.

The Townsville Bulletin on May 16 reported that the Tobruk would join the Kanimbla and Manoora in the build up of troops to be available to intervene in East Timor. The scenario put forward was that the FRETILIN Congress would split, Prime Minister Alkatiri would order a military crackdown, and the United Nations would call for Australian military intervention.
Minister Bano responded to Church criticism of its response to the displaced population with a full account of efforts to provide food and other support. He reported that the government has the situation under control and can do more if needed.

UN representative Hasegawa met Lt Salsinha on May 16 in Ermera. Salsinha demanded that the government forces be stripped of their weapons and that international investigators join the High Commission, and that international military forces provide security for the people, if the process was to have any success. He said the High Commission came too late, and that no third parties were involved with the petitioners. Mr Hasegawa said he would convey these ideas to President Gusmao.

Minister Horta met some petitioners led by Major Tara in Suai, where he said it was peaceful. He asked them to cooperate with the Commission.

On May 17, the FRETILIN Congress opened with almost all parties stating their wish for its success and noting the importance of its role. Minister Horta completely rejected Salsinha's new demands for the disarming of the army. L-7 and the resistance veterans stated their full support for he High Commission process. The petitioning soldiers continued to refuse to cooperate with the Commission. Salsinha was near Atsabe with 200 of them, but wanted all 500 to concentrate in Ermera.

Both HAK and PSD reject the process of the report on the intervention by F-FDTL on April 28. Retired Bishop Belo called on political leaders to speak nicely to the people and to listen to them, to help resolve all the issues about April 28.

Major Reinado accused the Prime Minister of ordering the army to open fire on protesters on April 28, saying he witnessed the orders being given. Lusa contacted Army deputy chief Colonel Lere, who confirmed receiving oral orders from the Prime Minister after a crisis cabinet meeting which included the police chief. Colonel Lere said that he gave the order to fire when his troops were hit by rocks, two hand grenades and four shots.

At the Congress, Prime Minister Alkatiri set out a new national cause to fight poverty, and the progress made to create effective municipal structures.

On May 20, after the Congress, Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri stated that some people were trying to divide the nation by dividing FALINTIL and FRETILIN, the two most trusted structures. He promised they would fail to divide FALINTIL, which they were already trying to do, and would never divide FRETILIN. He urged FRETILIN members to work against the 'east-west' division.

L-7 rejected rumours that he and other veterans were about to attack Ermera.

On Monday May 22, Foreign Minister Horta hotly disagreed with the petitioners' refusal to cooperate with the High Commission, and to call for F-FDTL to be disarmed. He said he was in touch with Lt Salsinha and would meet him soon.

Mark Dodd reported in the Sydney Morning Herald that President Gusmao would take part in a retreat with the petitioning soldiers at the Dare seminary, to help resolve the crisis that week. The Prime Minister and Foreign Minister would also take part, and it would not end until the issue was resolved. This was arranged by Foreign Minister Horta. The solution would involve better discipline and promotion procedures and more allowances for home visits from distant postings. It may also involve an army restructure.

Dodd also reported that Jose Luis Guterres had planned to offer the Prime Ministership to Horta if he had defeated Mari Alkatiri at the Congress, and that Horta had considered the idea.

Statements by HAK and human rights lawyer Aderito de Jesus indicate that public fear continued to grow while the government claimed there was greater calm. De Jesus blamed the government for not resolving the crisis.

Major Reinado gave an interview in Aileu welcoming the dialogue being organised but saying that time was running out, the Commissions had not punished anyone, and if people in Dili feel insecure they should leave, because no one can guarantee their safety in the short term. He called on the President, Foreign Minister and the two bishops to meet and dialogue to solve the problem quickly. Lu-Olo criticised Major Alfredo for shifting into politics.

Minister Horta clarified that he had not said the government had lost credibility, only that it had to work harder to win the people's trust after the crisis developed. He congratulated Mari Alkatiri and Lu-Olo on their reelection at the FRETILIN congress, saying they had the people's trust and it was a democratic process.

On Tuesday May 23 there were reports of gunshots near Dili and a clash between the army and rebel soldiers. Foreign Minister Downer told parliament of reports of violence and property damage in parts of Dili, and re-stated Australia's readiness to intervene if requested.

On the same day, the East Timor government awarded the permit to explore in five offshore blocks to Italy's ENI Spa, and for one block to India's Reliance Industries. Profits from these areas will be split 60-40 between the operator and the government, which will also receive a 5% royalty.

New Zealand reported that 30 troops were on standby at Christchurch, if the East Timor government requested help.

That day, troops commanded by Major Reinado attacked some unarmed soldiers returning from the Banco Ultramarino in Dili where they collected their pay, and attacked armed soldiers at an observation post, both at Fatu Ahi near Becora. On the F-FDTL side, there were one soldier killed and five wounded and one policeman badly wounded. On Reinado's side one soldier was badly wounded. The F-FDTL and police pursued the rebel soldiers. The Prime Minister, Defence and Interior Ministers the army and police chiefs held an urgent meeting. They reported the incident to the public and called for calm, saying they would apprehend the perpetrators whom they had identified. The wounded rebel was taken to hospital in Aileu, and two rebels were captured.

Unidentified people burnt Taibesse market again.

Minister Bianco said the police would provide security in Dili for 24 hours and there was no need yet to ask for international assistance.

At 7 am on Wednesday morning, rebel soldiers descended from the hills to attack the army base at Tasi Tolu, and machine guns and grenades were used in the clash. One soldier was reported wounded by shrapnel. Residents began to flee the area, but some were blocked at an army roadblock on the way to Liquica.

President Gusmao ordered government forces to hunt down the renegades, led by Major Reinado, who attacked the army the day before.

Australia ordered the evacuation of non-essential civil servants in Dili. The media reported an expectation that the East Timor government to ask for military assistance today.

The UN restricted the movements of its staff in Dili, upgrading its security alert. Most of Dili was normal, but people's level of concern was high.

President Gusmao cancelled his planned trip to China.

Australian journalist for SBS Dateline, David O'Shea, was filming an interview with Major Reinado just prior to the fighting breaking out. Major Reinado ordered his troops to open fire, and claimed on camera that he had killed one. He also said to camera while retreating that this incident will bring in international forces.

END.
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Overview and chronology of Timor Leste crisis in 2006 (IX)

Survey of Timorese and Regional Media (CONT)

April 2006

On April 3, Foreign Minister Horta spoke at the Baucau headquarters of the 1st Battalion, and called on the sacked soldiers to continue with their duties and respect their commanders. He warned against people trying to divide the army, the state and the people.

On April 4, it appeared there was confusion over Minister Horta’s statement, some saying he told the petitioning soldiers to return home. Lt Salsinha said they considered themselves still soldiers. Rumours of a uniform-burning ceremony provoked the Interior Minister Lobato to call on people not to cooperate with destabilizing efforts. Lt Salsinha rejected the idea that they would burn their uniforms or create instability – if we wanted to, he said ominously, Dili would be destroyed.

Opposition MPs asked for the soldiers’ salaries to continue to be paid since they were not properly sacked. Several different voices called on Parliament and leaders to solve the crisis before it got worse. The Comoro community was very active, calling for action against those who damaged homes and attacked people in their area of Dili.

Former Commander Dudu in Ermera held a similar meeting, and called on the President, the Government and the Parliament to resolve the crisis, and denounced the ‘east-west’ issue.

By April 4 Donor’s Meeting happened, with broad endorsement of the government’s economic program for 2006-07, and its record. President Gusmao told the meeting that the army command structure was in crisis, but not to be alarmed, because he would solve the problem. Jose Luis Guterres also criticized people in the government for not listening to their critics.

On April 5, it was reported that Minister Horta had approached the Bishop of Baucau for a meeting about how the government can assist the church, particularly in education. The request was spurned as a joke, referring to bad feeling from the April – May 2005 church protest against the government.

Antara reported that the Indonesian Navy had deployed a ship to the northern border, and troops to the border, in case there was an upheaval in East Timor and an exodus of people.
On April 6, a government minister rebuked the statement that the call for a talk with the Bishop of Baucau was a joke, and that the government was ready to help needy Catholic schools in Baucau.

On April 7, the petitioners were concentrated at the former UNHCR quarantine centre, parliament was discussing what to do, the Prime Minister and President had their weekly meeting and said they would resolve the crisis and asked the soldiers to stay calm. The Prime Minister talked about new laws for the military.

Over the weekend of April l8-9, Interior Minister Rogerio Lobato at Baucau said he would try to stop a big demonstration by the petitioning soldiers after Easter. He warned that these events were to break up F-FDTL and that overseas people were involved. He predicted trouble like this up to the 2007 elections. He called on FRETILIN members to restrain themselves.

Aderito de Jesus said it wasn’t too late for the President, Government and Parliament to solve the problem, but he didn’t know what mechanism they would use. President Xanana said the mechanism was a secret. Colonel Lere was reported to have asked the soldiers to return their uniforms, that the army had dealt with the issue, other issues were for the politicians. Four more soldiers joined the petitioners.

On April 11, the Bishop of Dili said he wanted to talk to the government about budget support.
On April 13, the Prime Minister and President were reported to be working on a solution for the 591 or 594, and that the military command was helping. Alkatiri hope that Easter would see it resolved. Minister Horta met Taur Matan Ruak to discuss the problem. Matan Ruak also met the President. Part of the process is continuing to pay the 594 soldiers.

On April 17 here was a mass specially held in the open at Metinaro, but the petitioning soldiers did not participate.

On April 18, Lt Salsinha claimed they were not invited to the mass, and their problem was not solved anyway. He promised a peaceful protest rally would be held. President Gusmao met the opposition parties, and discussed the F-FDTL problem, the coming elections and other issues. There was a demand for Defence Minister Rodrigues to make a law for military courts and discipline.

Meanwhile on April 19, the government announced that there were five bidders in the race for 6 of the 11 offshore petroleum exploration permits - ENI S.P.A, Petronas Carigati, Petróleo Brasileiro (Petrobras), GALP Exploração e Produção Petrolífera, Reliance Industries Limited.

On April 20, Interior Minister Lobato reported that he was informed of and would assist the holding of a four-day peaceful protest by the petitioning soldiers. He said the police would provide security. He noted that some political parties, embassies and priests were seen supporting the petitioners, and called for vigilance about youths coming into Dili for the protest.

Lt Salsinha insisted that his group did not have outside support, and that the protest was to speed up a solution to their problem, and if there was no solution in four days, anything could happen. Part of the solution was to investigate the military commanders, he said. He rejected the offer of continuing pay.

On April 21, Minister Lobato was very active speaking to groups around Dili to remain calm. Fr Maubere said he had a right to support the petitioners. Lt Salsinha said that Minister Lobato was wrong to say they had grenades and Molotov cocktails, they only had bayonets.

Over the weekend, formal arrangements for the protest continued, and Lt Salsinha predicted 5,000 would take part. Minister Rodrigues and General Matan Ruak and other senior military figures left for arms market in Malaysia, and were due to return on April 28. The Prime Minister made very positive remarks about the connection between FRETILIN and the church.

On April 24 the demonstration opened with about 1000 participants, going to the Presidential Palace, the Prime Minister, the Parliament and Court of Appeal. Tension was high. There were calls for the President to sack the government, and slogans against Taur Matan Ruak, and for the President to suspend Matan Ruak. Democratic Party letterhead was used for the list of demands to the Parliament.

There was some violence and two people injured by the protestors, but calm was restored.

The Prime Minister for the first time received a formal claim from the petitioners and responded positively to their aspirations and their right to express them.

That day, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan stated his support for a new 12 month UN mission to East Timor, composed of an election support unit, police trainers, military liaison officers and required specialists. This would replace UNOTIL when its mandate expired on May 20, 2006.

The military liaison officers would primarily work with the Indonesian TNI on the border. The new mission would have about 65 staff.

Next day the rhetoric escalated with Salsinha and other petitioners saying that if their demands weren't met by the fifth day there would be bloodshed, although Salsinha counselled against talk of civil war. The Police Chief Paulo Martins reported to the media that two youths had infiltrated the protest with hand grenades, but they were arrested. The government media conference tried to calm the rhetoric, promised a solution and said it would take time.

The New Zealand Trade Minister Phil Goff said that the Timor government had assured them that they could manage the situation with the petitioning soldiers, and so they were not considering sending troops to help with law and order. NZ had four military trainers in East Timor.

On April 26, the petitioners re-presented their demands to the Parliament because of the problem with the letter of the Maubere Democratic Party on the Monday. The debate continued to rage about the need to change the army, and the merits of the petitioners. They threatened the Becora markets, allegedly dominated by easterners.

The US Ambassador denounced rumours that the US Embassy supported the petitioners' protest, or the church protest in 2005.

It was revealed that Foreign Minister Horta met with Salsinha on the night of the 25th and proposed the broader commission of inquiry – involving church and other non-state groups – which Salsinha had said was needed, but reportedly Salsinha said it was too late.

On the Wednesday, the Prime Minister and the Parliament President met to discuss the petitioners, and announced that they would convey their ideas for a solution to the President.
There was violence at the Taibesse markets, with stalls destroyed and people injured, and three houses stoned in Dili, related to the petitioners' issue.

The much touted 'solution' is a four-part commission composed of the Presidency, the Parliament, the Government and the High Court to consider the petitioners complaints and suggest solutions. Church and civil society figures would also participate in a consultative manner. The petitioning soldiers would continued to be paid into June. Later there would be another commission to create a National Defence Policy to deal with the long term structure and role of the armed forces. Credit is given to Minister Horta.

Minister Lobato again states that there is a third party pushing the petitioners against the government, and that the police have photographs of foreigners helping the protesters.

Lt Salsinha also met with the Bishop of Dili, the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister about the proposed new commission. Salsinha would not commit to support the commission, depending on who was on it and what they did. Bishop Ricardo urged everyone to support the commission, because the church was like everyone in the country who wanted peace, and was concerned at how internal strife would be seen by the international community.

Thursday April 27 was notable for optimism that the new commission was a good process to resolve the petitioners' complaints, and many reportedly left Dili. However, in the end Lt Salsinha did not endorse the solution, saying the wanted answers not a commission.

On Friday April 28, at about 1.30pm, hundreds of demonstrators attacked the Government Palace, burnt cars and attacked police, who fired their weapons. At the nearby Hotel Timor, the President and Prime Minister were attending a lunch of a business conference, and were taken away by their personal security guards. It was reported earlier that the Prime Minister's office had declared the protest illegal and taken steps to ensure law and order. Police Chief Martins blamed the petitioners for starting the violence in front of his eyes, as he tried to keep calm. Lt Salsinha blamed the political leaders for failing to find a solution. The petitioning soldiers fled to Tasi Tolu and burnt over 100 houses there, and many civilians fled to refuge at the Dom Bosco Seminary.

On Monday the President was appealing to people to return home, and the Prime Minister, was appealing to the leaders of the petitioners to return to Dili to help resolve the issues. Lt Salsinha said that he would only surrender if the President spoke out, he trusted only him as Supreme Commander.

Rumours begin to circulate that many were killed on the 28th, but the Police Chief reports four dead and 77 wounded, and that he is looking for the perpetrators. The government says that the soldiers protest was taken over by hooligans. Troops are withdrawn from the streets and people begin to return home, but they are very nervous.

Foreign Minister Horta emphasised to the media that only a minority of the ex-soldiers were in Friday's demonstration, and that most had accepted on Thursday the forming of he new commission, which was a genuine initiative by the State. He called Australia's Foreign Minister to ask him to support Timor's request to the UN Security Council for a new UN mission after May 20. Minister Downer responded in a friendly way, but did not commit to support the idea.

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Overview and chronology of Timor Leste crisis in 2006 (VIII)

Survey of Timorese and Regional Media (CONT)

March 2006

On March 1, MP Antonio Ximenes supports the soldiers' criticism of the investigating team and accuses President Gusmao of using the wrong strategy with the soldiers. Australian Defence Dept says its trainers have moved from Metinaro to Dili.

On March 2, Vice-President of KOTA Party, MP Clementino Amaral said that if the soldiers objected to the investigation panel they should present their complaint in writing to the proper authority. He opposed a 'national dialogue' to solve the problem.

Colonel Lere says that the absent soldiers will no longer be paid if they do not return to Metinaro by Wednesday. Lt Salsinha denies that the soldiers are rebelling against their commanders, just protesting at a wrong in recruitment and promotion.

On March 3, Prime Minister Alkatiri spoke to the media about his weekly meeting with the President on the previous day. The main issue was the F-FDTL dispute, and President Gusmao had asked for government and parliamentary representatives to the investigation commission.

The government representatives would deal with the political aspects, the military officers with the technical aspects. Alkatiri said that the use of 'east-west' would not divide FRETILIN, but would divide the state and the constitution, and was a big mistake. Colonel Lere has stated that some political parties are involved with the soldiers' dispute, but won't name them. PSD and ASDT MPs object. PSD MP Maria Paixao says her party is confident the military commanders can solve the issue. The East Timor Lawyers Association called for the UN to be involved in the investigation commission, which should be composed of the President, the churches, UN and international advisers.

Foreign Minister Horta is in the USA and Europe, discussing the next UN mission to Timor Leste and also his possible candidacy for UN Secretary General.

Lt Gastao Salsinha now claims 593 soldiers are involved in the protest over promotions and employment conditions. The government thinks there are 403. President Gusmao has written to the army command demanding a rapid restoration of discipline. The Australian military trainers have been withdrawn to Australia and the Defence Support Program suspended.

On March 4, Lu-Olo declared that there would be no coup d'etat because the people did not want another war. He disagrees with Taur Matan Ruak about political party involvement, and says that the army itself has to solve the problem, not political elements.

Members of the Superior Council for Defence and Security Gregorio Saldanha and Paul Assis declared that the F-FDTL soldiers who have been investigated have not been subjected to any intimidation and that statements to that effect are just rumours. The two confirmed that so far seventeen people have been questioned, but that the investigations are currently suspended as some soldiers have not yet returned to their barracks. The process may take another month.

They said there is no coup danger. Lu-Olo says the crisis will not affect the 2007 elections because it is a problem inside the army, not a political problem.

On March 4, Prime Minister Alkatiri was reported to say at Liquica that some foreigners and some parties were hoping to divide FRETILIN at its May Congress. He pointed out that he has sat many times with Mario Carrascalão (PSD) and signed many proposals together with him but in the end the opposition votes against it, noting that in reality they don’t want development but they want FRETILIN to form a government of national unity. He is also reported to say that he will not personally get involved in the soldiers' dispute since the original petition did not mention him. For this he is sharply criticised by MPs Xavier do Amaral (ASDT) and Leandro Isaac, who warn that there may be bad consequences if the dispute goes wrong. FRETILIN responds that the Prime Minister cannot intervene in every issue and that the army has to solve this problem.
President Gusmao is about to depart on a trip to Portugal and Africa, returning on March 28.

On March 8, Interior Minister Rogerio Lobato comments on the shortage of leaders of the calibre of Alkatiri and Lu-Olo, and says FRETILIN needs to develop the next generation. He will not contest the leadership at the coming Congress.

On March 10, President Gusmao says he will not nominate for a second term as President. Foreign Minister Horta says he has been encouraging Gusmao to stand again. Many people want Horta to nominate if Gusmao will not.

Prime Minister Alkatiri argues that it is not that he doesn't want to resolve the soldiers dispute, but that there is a commission established to do it, and that neither the President nor the Prime Minister should be on it, because that is too centralist. He thinks that the soldiers who don't understand what it means to be in the army should retire.

Meanwhile Lt Salsinha says it is just a rumour that the petitioning soldiers will go to join the Police and in particular the Border patrol Unit. He claims they are patriotic.

PSD MP Riak Leman starts to criticise the move to sack the 400 soldiers as bad for future recruitment. Commentator Aristides Alfonso says that President Gusmao has not really tried to solve the issue, which he could have by sacking the instigators and order the majority back to work.

Coordinator of the CPD-RDTL Antonio “Aitahan Matak” was reported to say that the 400 don't know what military discipline is, and that no army can allow what has happened, either in a capitalist or a communist state.

Meanwhile the PD announces that if it wins the 2007 elections it will appoint the Bishops of Dili and Baucau as advisers.

Over the weekend, the FRETILIN District Conference was held at Oecussei. Secretary-General of FRETILIN, Mari Alkatiri reportedly said that having a big party means those selected to lead it must be conscious and have a clear perspective to carry it forwards. He reminded participants that the role of the leadership during the war is finished and those selected must be the correct people for the appropriate time, adding that a good commander during the war doesn’t necessarily mean a good minister or qualified to become the President or the Secretary-General of a party. Alkatiri added that a large party has the responsibility to strengthen peace, stability and democracy for the nation. Oecussei. was the last leg of district conferences in preparation for the national congress scheduled in Dili for mid-May.

In Oecusse, Prime Minster Mari Alkatiri laid the first stone for the construction of a regional hospital for Oecusse. The project, RTTL reported, is worth around US$3.1 million. The Prime Minister was also inaugurated some health centers in that region.

On March 14 it was reported that Environment Minister Abel Ximenes would contest the post of FRETILIN Secretary General with Mari Alkatiri.

During the week of March 14 there is a lot of media reports of the significance of the UNDP report on Timor Leste, in particular about whether the government, or the high birth rate, is to blame for increasing poverty. The government outlines a major expansion of the budget for 2006-07, aimed a tn economic growth rate of 6%, to meet these challenges.

On March 16, Commander Taur Matan Ruak says he will report to Parliament next day on the F-FDTL dispute. His report will be that the investigation has been going for more than a month and the soldiers do not want to resolve the issue because they will not participate in the investigation process.

MP Leandro Isaac asks Defence Minister Roque Rodrigues to resign because he cannot maintain discipline in the army. Other media report that Ruak has sacked the soldiers and their pay will be cancelled from March 1. Colonel Lere is reported to say that the absence of the soldiers from barracks is illegal and so it is legal to dismiss them. Lt Salsinha is reported to say that the sacking is wrong because their complaints have not been dealt with.

Next day, Commander Taur Matan Ruak says there can be no compromise on the decision to sack the 594 soldiers, not even by President Gusmao. He said they were sacked for failing to return to barracks, not for signing a petition. He said the army was composed of volunteers. He explained that he received an anonymous petition on January 11 and that the President had written to him that the matter must be resolved as soon as possible. Ruak called a meeting of sergeants and soldiers in Baucau on February 2-3, but some soldiers had said only the President could resolve it. He had replied that it must be dealt with inside the army. When he returned to Dili on February 4, many of the soldiers had fled Baucau and Metinaro to prepare for the protest on February 8.

In broad terms, the decision by Matan Ruak is publicly supported by the Prime Minister, the Minister for Foreign Affairs. It is also critically supported by PSD MP Riak Leman. Human Rights lawyer Aderito de Jesus says he believes that President Gusmao,as Supreme Commander, is aware of and supports the decision. The Prime Minister says he was consulted about the decision and he agreed with it. Former FALINTIL commander for Region III, Cornelio Gama alias L-7, also supports the decision and strongly condemns the talk of an east-west division. He blames some leaders for trying to destroy F-FDTL. PSD MP Lucia Lobato called on L-7 and some F-FDTL commanders to name the political leaders involved.

On March 21, Matan Ruak and Horta are commenting on the need for recruitment to replace the sacked soldiers.

On March 22, the FRETILIN MPs vote to remove ASDT Xavier do Amaral from the post of vice-President of the parliament, after he had declared that, “If we choose an Islamic person to govern this nation, this means we are anti-Christ”. MP Francisco Branco (FRETILIN) said Amaral’s statement is racist, anti-democratic and unconstitutional. “The decision is just because our nation is based on pluralism, and we don’t discriminate based on race, religion or class. A leader of a sovereign institution is jumping on our constitution”.

On March 23, President Gusmao returned earlier than scheduled, and heavy security was provided from the airport to the city. Lt Salsinha said his group was waiting patiently for the President to return and resolve their problem.

Late that day, the President gave a speech to the nation in which he declared the sacking of the soldiers as 'wrong' and 'unfair', criticised Taur Matan Ruak and Defence Minister Roque Rodrigues, for the failure in dealing with the soldiers, and then reaffirmed that the soldiers were sacked and should look for other jobs.

Over the weekend of March 25-26, there were disturbances in western Dili,seven people were arrested, and 16 houses damaged. Two of the petitioning soldiers were among those arrested.

Rumours were rife. The Prime Minister returned from a trip to Japan over the weekend and reconfirmed his support for the decision to sack the soldiers, whom he congratulated for showing discipline and remaining peaceful. He asked the people to stay calm, and not to allow the incident of December 4, 2002 to be repeated.

Lawyer Aderito de Jesus said that the main institutions of the Presidency, the Government and the National Parliament had not shown the political maturity to solve the problem and now the country was concerned.

On Tuesday March 28, Police Chief Paulo Martins said Dili remained tense, and that two people were gravely injured on the previous Saturday. PSD MP Lucia Lobato wants to recall Commander Taur Matan Ruak to parliament to explain the difference between his report and the President's speech. There is panic in Comoro caused by gangs using the 'east-west' issue, and 61 people take refuge in the Comoro church.

Meanwhile in Liquica, the Prime Minister spoke to the Police to say that instability would not be allowed, recalling how well the police handled the church protest in April – May 2005. Joaquin Fonseca of Yayasan Hak also stated that Dili was tense.

Sonny Inbaraj of Internews reported that the 600 soldiers would make a protest in Dili that day, demanding that the President formally dismiss them, They don't accept the verbal dismissal by Taur Matan Ruak. Inbaraj said that if the President didn't dissipate the issue in one or two days, the whole situation could 'blow up'. The protest did not materialise, and Inbaraj later said it was postponed, but restated that the town was tense, the streets deserted, and youth gangs ready to make trouble for the government.

On March 29, a Rapid Response Unit police officer was seriously stabbed and had his pistol stolen when he visited a house in Dili.

MP Xavier do Amaral criticised the decision to sack the 600 and called on the weak leaders to resign from their posts.

President Gusmao expressed sadness at the violent incidents and asked that they cease. He criticised the police for operating night patrols, because it wasn't a state of emergency. He reminded the public that the 591 soldiers were not criminals, that they had not taken their weapons when they left the barracks,and most had not been involved in violence.

PSD MP Lucia Lobato called for UNOTIL legal adviser to the council of Ministers Domingos Tristao to leave the country because his advice on the F-FDTL had contributed to domestic instability. MP Leandro Isaac said that Tristao should advice the Ministers that there was no judicial basis for the decision.

Interior Minister Lobato visited the site of the damaged houses with Police chief martin, and called for people not to panic. Police were deployed across Dili to try to reassure the public.

President Gusmao called an emergency meeting with the military commanders to try to resolve the dispute with the 600 soldiers. Now it is reported that 12 of the former soldiers were arrested after the weekend violence. Lu-Olo made a FRETILIN statement on the soldiers issue, disagreeing with their behavior in leaving the barracks and threatening the army as an institution. Some residents complain to the parliament that they feel uneasy since the President's speech on March 23. There are some threats to the President and many sides state that his security must be tightened.

On March 30, Foreign Minister Jose Ramos Horta issued a stinging attack on Agence France Presse, Lusa and the ABC for wildly overblown reports on the violent incidents in Dili. He noted that they did not have resident reporters. He noted that Internews was a source used by the ABC, and that Internews was funded by the US Embassy.

Lindsay Murdoch reported for the Sydney Morning Herald that Minister Horta said the leadership had to take responsibility for the soldiers strike, and that he would propose a new commission to investigate their grievances when he met the President and Prime Minister later that day. He preferred for them to be reinstated until the commission gave its report. Murdoch interviewed Lt Salsinha who claimed that he and his fellow 594 soldiers were heroes of the independence struggle. However, he said the unrest in Dili would continue because no one had listened to the group.

On March 31, Prime Minister Alkatiri said that the contradictory views of the government and the President about the soldiers would continue, the soldiers would not be reinstated, but the issues raised in their petition would still be resolved. He said the tension was declining and would not affect the coming Donors Conference.

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Overview and chronology of Timor Leste crisis in 2006 (VII)

Survey of Timorese and Regional Media (CONT)

February 2006

On February 3, the Chief Justice argued that the defamation clause in the Penal Code was acceptable, and the director of an NGO, Labeh, Christopher Samson alleged that there was corruption in the Ministry of Environment, and he was reporting it to the Inspector-General, Mariano Lopez da Cruz. Environment Minister Abel Ximenes said he was ready to implement any finding by the Inspector-General.

Minister for Administration Ana Pessoa inaugurated the new F-FDTL barracks at Baucau, and Commander Taur Matan Ruak said there should be no discrimination among soldiers, and the Battalion Commander Colonel Lere said that the improved facilities would help reduce problems for the soldiers.

In the first sign that trouble was brewing and the Australian government was well aware of the potential, DFAT warned Australians against being near the Government Palace and the Indonesian Embassy on the coming Friday because a protest may turn violent. This protest was by Timorese women, Rede Feto, against the rape of a Timorese woman by Indonesian soldiers near Oecusse. The women received support from MPs at the parliament, and from Foreign Minister Ramos Horta.

The shortcomings of the East Timor media were noted during a Consultative Group Meeting held at UNOTIL in the previous week. Director of Timor Post, Aderito Hugo da Costa, Deputy Director of Suara Timor-Lorosa’e, Domingos Saldanha, and Virgilio Guterres from Public Broadcasting Services argued that Timor-Leste’s media is in need of international support and/or assistance. The three main speakers, supported by a separate presentation by the Director of Internews, Sonny Inbaraj, made the appeal to the international communities’ representatives who participated in the meeting. Mr da Costa, Mr Saldanha and Mr Guterres, together with Mr Inbaraj, highlighted the concerns faced by the local media including the lack of infrastructure, human resources, and technical equipment such as computers, photocopiers and printing machines. The Deputy Special Representative of Secretary-General, Anis Bajwa, supported the appeal of the Timor-Leste media actors by asking development partners to provide more attention to ways of assisting Timor-Leste’s media in meeting these challenges.

On February 8, the petition by 402 members of the F-FDTL was reported. The report said they were from the 1st and 2nd Battalions and from the Naval Unit and from Headquarters.

Unarmed, they went on Wednesday morning to the Presidential palace and complained bitterly to President Gusmao, as Supreme Commander, that Commanders were saying that those from the East mainly did the fighting with the Indonesians, and that they were not getting promotions. They said they were a distinct ethnic group. They demanded the dismissal of the commander of the 1st Battalion, Colonel Falur. President Gusmao said he wanted to help them, but that they should not have left the barracks. He asked them to return to barracks and allow the F-FDTL Commission to investigate their claims. They refused, saying they would go to the HQ at Tasi Tolu, because they had been threatened by some commanders. President Gusmao became angry with them and walked back into his office. He met them again later that night and said they should return to their barracks, there would be no reprisals, and an inquiry into their demands, but they must return to barracks on Thursday morning or face dismissal. Police and Army trucks waited to take them back to barracks. Instead, about 170 – 200 of the soldiers went to the military academy at Metinaro, in the west of Dili, and this was seen as a reasonable compromise, helpful in settling the dispute. A five member commission of officers and parliamentarians was set up to investigate their case. The F-FDTL considered the issue 'defused' with perhaps 10-15 soldiers remaining Absent Without Leave.

FRETILIN and PSD MPs said the case of the soldiers was serious and needed an independent investigation. The PD rejected claims that political parties were involved in the soldiers' case.

The hearing of the Prime Minister's defamation case against PD President Fernando de Araujo Lasama was set for February 14.

On February 9 there was an update on the bidding for 11 offshore oil exploration blocks. Bids opened in November 17, and closed on February 17. They will be evaluated from March 31 and a final report will go to the Prime Minister as Minister for Natural Resources, by April 18. On may 20, the production sharing contracts will be signed.

On February 10, the International Federation of Journalists called for the criminal defamation clause of the proposed Penal Code to be withdrawn. The IFJ is supporting the Timor Lorosae journalists Association. President Gusmao was due to promulgate the Penal Code in two days time.

On February 10, F-FDTL Commander Taur Matan Ruak said that the soldiers' protest on the Wednesday was a revolt, which had made the President cry, and denounced the idea of a division between east and west. He hoped that the investigation would resolve the soldiers' grievances. PSD MP and former FALINTIL commander Riak Leman also denounced the division between 'east' and 'west'. F-FDTL Chief of Staff Colonel Lere Timur told the petitioning soldiers in negotiations to be wary of causing any division or war between Timorese, because Timorese only would suffer, and that would invite another invasion.

President Gusmao is expected to settle the dispute at a meeting of the Superior Council of Defence and Security on March 9.

Now is the first report of a written petition presented 'weeks ago'.

On February 14, Parliament President Lu-Olo declared that the soldiers' protest was a desertion , not a revolt, and supported President Gusmao in his demand that they return to barracks and await the outcome of the inquiry. Lu-Olo rejected the claim of a division between 'east' and 'west'.

However KOTA MP Clemintino dos Reis Amaral claimed that there was discrimination not only in the army, but also in the civil service and for government contracts, but he said it was political discrimination by FRETILIN, not east-west.

On February 15, RTTL (radio news) reported that the investigation of the soldiers' case was delayed, and for the first time reports Lt Gastao Salsinha as warning that any delay in the investigation will endanger foreign investments. He claimed that 240 soldiers had not returned to barracks.

On February 16, Foreign Minister Ramos Horta stated that the problem in the army was not unnatural, but criticised the soldiers for leaving the barracks and urged them to do what the President requested and accept the government's solution. He rejected the 'east-west' division. The UNDERTIM leader Cristiano da Costa also rejected the 'east-west' division and warned that the dispute showed insecurity and could affect foreign investors.

On February 17, Commander Taur Matan Ruak reported that six of the soldiers had spoken to the investigation. He said the process would take time.

Speaking in Lisbon, Portugal, Prime Minister Alkatiri criticized the UN's public announcement in January of its proposal for parallel polls on May 20, 2007 as a cost-cutting measure in the impoverished new nation.

Dili will hold both ballots next year, said Alaktiri, but wants parliamentary polls to take place ahead of presidential ones.

As Timor is still in a "post-conflict" situation, he argued, and next year's elections will be the first solely organized by the Dili authorities, "holding them simultaneously could cause some political instability".

With the president, government and political parties all campaigning at the same time, "who will run the country?" asked the Timorese leader.

"The president must remain detached from legislative elections so that he can help to maintain stability", argued Alkatiri, on a working visit to Portugal for meetings scheduled with senior Lisbon officials and other prominent figures.

Prime Minister Alkatiri said that Portuguese President Sampao's visit to Timor Leste is to include the Metinaro Military Academy and it may help to resolve the dispute in F-FDTL.

Alkatiri asked Portugal for help in making the army more professional, and commented that the Army had to allow the Police to provide security, while it provided Defence.(Lusa)

President Gusmao announced that he would have talks with Indonesian President Yudhoyono in Bali on the Friday, covering the Timorese human rights report to the United Nations and Indonesian concerns about the maritime boundary with Timor Leste and the distribution of oil and gas reserves in the Timor Sea. Indonesian East West Concern Foundation (YPTB) director Ferdi Tanoni said Indonesia wanted all oil and gas activity to cease, and for a three way negotiation between Australia, Indonesia and East Timor on maritime boundaries to take place.

By February 21, the patience of the F-FDTL commanders is running out. Chief-of-Staff Colonel Lere Anan Timor stated that those members of F-FDTL that abandoned the F-FDTL camp to protest claims of discrimination within the institution to the President of the Republic, will be dismissed from the Armed Forces if they continue to refuse to participate in the investigation process. Lere said the investigation team has given 8 hours more for them to speak to the team.

Should they refuse, they will have to leave the camp. In the meantime, Gregorio Saldanha, a member of the investigation team said, so far, only one person decided to be investigated, noting that there is no initiative from other members to resolve the problem. Next day, Commander Taur Matan Ruak backs up Colonel Lere and says the soldiers now have the choice in their hands. This is reported in the media as a dismissal, with only a letter of acknowledgment being needed to formalise the decision. Lt Salsinha says that the soldiers did not like Metinaro, saying it is not the place to hold the investigation because it feels like a jail, and that's why most of the soldiers stayed in Dili. The Prime Minister says that the mutinous troops should be punished, but that the situation is not a threat to national security. He acknowledges that the army command and the government has some responsibility because the training did not provide the soldiers with a useful role in peacetime. He said the government would have to review the structure and role of the army.

On February 23, Colonel Lere said there was no intimidation at Metinaro, and criticised the soldiers for not taking part in the investigation, and was supported by Paul Aziz of the investigating team. Lack of cooperation had forced them to suspend the investigation.

Former FALINTIL commander for Region IV, Ernesto Fernandes alias 'Dudu' stated that everyone fought for independence and the country can't be divided between east and west. Dudu is a coordinator for the Democratic Party.

The Bishops of Dili and Baucau called for the military dispute to be resolved through dialogue and mutual understanding.

Over the weekend of Feb 25-27 there is a harsh exchange between FRETILIN leader Mari Alkatiri and Dudu, where Dudu accused Alkatiri of talking like a dictator, and Alkatiri accused the opposition of lack of respect for the majority party.

The UN Security Council begins to discuss the Timor Leste request for a new mission after UNOTIL.

The Australian reports that the dispute in the F-FDTL has forced the Australian trainers at Metinaro to move to Dili. The dispute is an embarrassment for Australia's $26 million Defence Support Program for Timor Leste. It is uncertain whether or not the soldiers not in barracks have been dismissed.

By February 28, Lt Salsinha is saying that soldiers have left Metinaro without participating in the investigation, and that they won't until one lieutenant colonel and two majors are removed from the investigation commission and until the inquiry follows the agenda of the soldiers' petition. He said the petition did not involve the Military Police.

Meanwhile Australian Defence Minister Brendan Nelson stated that the sacking of the soldiers was not a security risk and that Timor Leste was peaceful and stable. Labor Defence spokesperson Robert McClelland talks of a 'failed state' and says it is a security risk and an embarrassment for the ADF training program. Defence says its trainers have returned to Metinaro.

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