International police in East Timor neutral - commander

14 Aug 2006 09:43:40 GMT
Source: Reuters

More By Jerry Norton

DILI, Aug 14 (Reuters) - An international force of some 600 police from four countries in troubled East Timor is staying out of the tiny young nation's politics, its commander said on Monday.

The police began arriving in East Timor at the end of May following weeks of violence that left more than 20 people dead and saw widespread looting and arson that continued into June, until the foreign police and an international force of regular military brought a modicum of order.

Steve Lancaster, chief of the units from Portugal, Malaysia, New Zealand and his own Australia, told reporters he was "concerned about some rumours of international police taking sides, supporting one group over another".

(NOTA: Steve Lancaster é apenas o chefe da força policial australiana e neo-zelandesa. Cada país tem o seu comando.)

"We're an independent police force and act impartially," he said, without getting involved in the east-west regional issues at the root of much of the violence in East Timor, which became a full-fledged nation in 2002.

Some of the rumours suggested police from Portugal, the country's colonial ruler until 1975, favoured the eastern region over the western.

The latter area is perceived by some as leaning toward Indonesia, East Timor's immediate neighbour which occupied it in 1975. Its iron-fisted control ended in a 1999 vote for independence marked by bloodshed attributed mainly to pro-Indonesia militias backed by Indonesian military elements.

Lancaster, however, said the rumours were broader.

"It's not just the Portuguese."

"There have been some accusations also relating to the international forces in general", with actions against one particular group or another interpreted as taking sides, Lancaster said.

In fact, "if people are caught continuing to make trouble, fight or to carry dangerous weapons, wherever they come from or whoever they are, they will be captured and will face prosecution," he said.

He said the international police had arrested about 220 people since arriving, and had a significant impact.

"...always remember 11 weeks ago and compare it to now and the difference is quite remarkable."

Reports of sporadic clashes and arson in East Timor continue, however, and more than 100,000 Timorese remain in camps rather than returning to homes where they fear for their safety.

East Timor's own police have been off the streets due to the involvement of some in the fighting. Lancaster said a plan was nearly agreed that would shortly have them in action again, but only after screening and initially without arms and working in tandem with the international forces.

The international police and military forces and the East Timorese government were also trying to increase visibility and response in troubled areas to help people feel safe enough to leave the displaced person camps, Lancaster said.

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Displaced Timorese await signals from "big people"

14 Aug 2006 11:38:03 GMT
Reuters
By Jerry Norton

DILI, Aug 14 (Reuters) - Standing amidst the jam-packed tents and smoke from wood cooking fires of a displaced persons camp, Rosa Soares says she is waiting for East Timor's leaders to reconcile before she'll feel safe about returning home.

The 29-year-old mother of two, pregnant with another child, is one of more than 100,000 East Timorese still in camps some four months after a dispute over sacked soldiers spiraled into widespread violence in which more than 20 died.

An international military and police force of around 2,500 began arriving at the end of May to restore order to this tiny young nation, but widespread looting and arson continued for weeks, and have yet to completely disappear.

While some of the displaced have gone home, others are reluctant.

"We're waiting for the big people to embrace each other and to sit down together and talk among themselves and then we'll feel safe," Soares told Reuters at the Don Bosco camp, located in a complex of Catholic institutions.

About 90 percent of East Timorese are Catholic, a legacy of hundreds of years of Portuguese rule that ended in 1975, and a number of the nearly 60 camps in the Dili area are on church grounds largely left alone by those responsible for the violence.

The roots of the turbulence are complex, but much of it relates to differences between the eastern and western regions of East Timor, which became a full-fledged country in 2002 after nearly 25 years of Indonesian occupation and an interim period of United Nations administration.

"If we went back home we're afraid of what people would do at night. Probably we're going to be dead, we're going to be killed," said Soares.

"Even among the big people there's a separation between the people from the west and the east," she added.

The man whose policies many blame for sparking the violence, Mari Alkatiri, stepped down as prime minister on June 26 under pressure from President Xanana Gusmao, but partisan accusations still fly in parliament and the process of bringing those involved in the disorder to justice has far to go.

Meanwhile, those in the camps say night remains a dangerous time in many parts of Dili and nearby villages.

"Outside of camp at night there are people throwing rocks at each other and chasing each other," said Martino Doutel, 30, wearing shorts, a green t-shirt and sandals in the tropical heat.

Some in the camps have no homes to return to. Madelena Carvalho, 28, shares a tent with her four children, her husband and mother. Her house in Baru village was burned and looted.

"Even though we go back home we can't rely on anything. Everything is destroyed, our animals. The only thing we can rely on is to stay here," she said.

Adriano de Jesus, a coordinator for the camp, said: "the government has a plan to rebuild all the houses but it's still under process... so we do not know when it will start."

He said the camp once housed more than 14,000 and the number was now 9,000, but it was unclear when the remainder might leave.

"Nowadays the main concern is about the security. If the people think that there is security stabilised, they will go home," said de Jesus, 35, a Catholic brother who ran a vocational training centre at Don Bosco before the crisis.

He too thinks the country's leaders must set an example.

"They themselves have to reconcile because they are the ones who created this problem, and now they're insisting the people to dialogue."
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Quando é que um “comunicado” aos media não é uma declaração pública?

Tradução da Margarida.


By John Loizou
Darwin, Agosto 14:

Somente os ingénuos parece serem suficientemente tolos para assumir que uma declaração aos media emitida por uma ONG significa que é para ser publicada — especialmente se emerge da altamente parcial, duvidosamente financiada e desonesta trama de organizações que tomaram para si a tarefa de decidir o que é melhor para os desgraçados Timorenses.

Na semana passada, o Programa de Monitorização do Sistema Judicial (JSMP), com base em Dili, emitiu uma declaração com mais de 3,800 palavras, que por qualquer leitura justa (que se fizesse) questionava o Procurador-Geral de Timor-Leste porque é que — até então — não tinha tomado medidas contra duas figuras militares de topo que através do motim tinham forçado a resignação do antigo Primeiro-Ministro Mari Alkatiri.

Sem surpresa, o porta-voz da Fretilin na Austrália, Alex Tilman, usou o relatório para emitir uma declaração aos media, de 354 palavras, com a intenção de chamar a atenção dos media Australianos até agora tão furiosamente anti-Alkatiri e anti-Fretilin — incluindo a estatal Australian Broadcasting Corporation — para o facto de tais perguntas finalmente estarem a ser feitas.

A resposta foi notável.

A declaração aos media foi emitida sem consulta à JSMP, queixou-se a ONG.
Também era 'altamente editada' e 'selectiva' 'enganava os leitores’ 'sugeria colaboração entre o JSMP e a Fretilin' e 'criava a percepção que o JSMP tinha emitido um comunicado conjunto com a Fretilin' e ao fazê-lo prejudicava a 'apolítica, independente e não alinhada ONG Timorense.'

Depois, para garantir que a Fretilin e os seus apoiantes percebiam a mensagem o académico de topo Australiano Damien Kingsbury da Deakin University de Victoria escreveu ao jovem Alex Tilman dizendo: " Como antigo jornalista, (por pouco tempo) consultor de PR e académico — e tudo isto é relevante para citar escritos de outros — só posso dizer que o JSMP tem toda a razão na sua preocupação com o uso e tratamento do seu texto pela TLDSN”.

A sua resposta não convence e demonstra uma clara falta de conhecimento de a. atribuição, b. referência, c. plágio, d. direitos de autor, e. ética, e f. vulgar cortesia.

Em particular, é altamente inapropriado, e geralmente ilegal, pegar num documento de alguém, editá-lo e publicá-lo ou secções substanciais dele sem a autorização expressa do autor ou do possuidor do direito do autor."

Não conheço bem as qualificações académicas de Kingsbury, apesar dele parecer ser um membro regular da brigada “comentador ao telefone”, mas de certeza — com base nas suas asserções de plágio e direitos de autor — não cairia em empregá-lo nem como consultor legal nem como consultor de relações públicas.

Não penso que Programa de Monitorização do Sistema Judicial (JSMP) ou Kingsbury tivessem qualquer importância na injustiça que foi feita a Alkatiri.

Nem penso que valham muito na guerra em curso contra a Fretilin.

Mas penso que é altura que se ponham algumas questões à ONG.

Quem por exemplo a financia?

E que papel têm académicos Australianos, especialmente os cientistas "politicos" jogado no desastre de Timor-Leste.

Ou não é verdade que milhares se mantém deslocados na capital e que gangs ainda estão a intimidar os seus residentes muito depois de a causa disto tudo, Mari Alkatiri, ter resignado?

http://www.southeastasiantimes.com/

Parlamento aprovou orçamento de Estado

Díli, 14 Ago (Lusa) - O Parlamento de Timor-Leste aprovou hoje, por maioria e na especialidade, o Orçamento de Estado para o ano fiscal iniciado a 01 de Julho, e que prevê uma verba total de 315,537 milhões de dólares (246,8 milhões de euros).

Dos 70 deputados presentes no hemiciclo, 64 votaram favoravelmente a proposta de lei governamental, cinco - todos do Partido Democrata - votaram contra e Vicente Guterres, eleito pela coligação União Democrática Cristã/Partido Democrata Cristão, absteve- se.

Os deputados do PSD, a terceira maior força partidária representada no parlamento (cinco deputados efectivos) não participaram nos trabalhos, à semelhança do que vinham fazendo desde a discussão do Programa do Governo por não reconhecerem legitimidade do II Governo Constitucional, chefiado por José Ramos-Horta.

Na apresentação do orçamento, Ramos-Horta tinha referido que a proposta era feita num período de crise por que passa Timor-Leste.

"Este orçamento é apresentado numa ocasião em que tentamos sair de momentos difíceis, momentos que afectaram e continuam a afectar particularmente a nossa capital", disse na ocasião o actual primeiro-ministro.

"Perdemos em muito pouco tempo o que, a muito custo, construímos durante os primeiros anos após a independência", afirmou, ao considerar que se trata de um orçamento "virado para a luta contra a pobreza".

Com a proposta aprovada, a despesa pública de Timor-Leste vai aumentar 142 milhões de dólares para 315 milhões de dólares, representando um aumento de 122 por cento.

JCS/EL.

Tolerância de ponto no dia 15 de Agosto - PM

O primeiro-ministro, José Ramos-Horta, concedeu tolerância de ponto aos funcionários e agentes dos Ministérios, secretarias de Estado ou serviços deles dependentes, para o dia 15 de Agosto, dia da Assunção de Nossa Senhora.

No despacho assinado esta segunda-feira, 14 de Agosto, (despacho n.º 7/2006/IIGC/PM) o primeiro-ministro justifica a concessão da tolerância de ponto por se tratar de "um evento religioso e uma data comemorativa de grande significado para todo o país".

A tolerância de ponto abrange também os trabalhadores dos institutos e organismos integrados na administração indirecta do Estado, devendo todos regressar aos respectivos serviços no dia seguinte, 16 de Agosto, em horário normal de trabalho.

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When is a media 'release' not a public statement?

By John Loizou
Darwin, August 14:

Only the naive it seems would be sufficiently foolish to assume that a media statement issued by a Non Government Organisation is meant for publication — especially if it springs out of the highly partisan, dubiously-funded and dishonest cabal of organisations that have taken it upon themselves to decide what is best for the hapless East Timorese.

Last week, the Dili-based Judicial System Monitoring Program , issued a statement of more than 3,800 words that by any fair reading questioned East Timor's Prosecutor General why — until then — action had not been taken against two high-profile military figures who through mutiny had helped force the resignation of former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri.

Not surprisingly, Fretilin's spokesperson in Australia, Alex Tilman, used the report to issue a media statement, confined to 354 words, intended to draw the attention of the so far rabidly anti-Alkatiri anti-Fretilin Australian media — including the State-owned Australian Broadcasting Corporation — to the fact that such questions were at last being asked.

The response was remarkable.

The media statement was issued without consultation with the JSMP, the NGO complained.
Also it was 'highly edited' and 'selective' 'mislead readers ''implied collaboration between JSMP and Fretilin' and 'creates the perception that JSMP has issued a joint media release with Fretilin' and in so doing damaged the 'non-political, independent and non-aligned Timorese NGO.'

Then, to ensure that Fretilin and its supporters got the message high-profile Australian academic Damien Kingsbury from Victoria's Deakin University wrote to the young Alex Tilman saying: " As a former journalist, (briefly) a PR consultant and as an academic — all of which are relevant to quoting other's material — I can only say that the JSMP is fully justified in its concerns over the use and treatment of its material by the TLDSN.

Your reply is unconvincing, and it demonstrates a clear lack of knowledge of a. attribution, b. referencing, c. plaigiarism, d. copyright, e. ethics, and f. common courtesy.

In particular, it is highly inappropriate, and generally illegal, to take someone else's document and edit it and republish it or substantial sections of it without the express permission of the author or copyright holder."

Now I don't know much about Kingsbury's academic qualifications, although he seems to be a regular member of the "dial a commentator brigade, but I certainly — based on his assertions of plaigiarism and copyright — would not be falling over myself to employ him as either a legal consultant or public relations consultant.

I don't think the Judicial System Monitoring Program or Kingsbury matter a fig in the injustice that was done to Alkatiri.

Nor do I think they are of much account in the on-going war against Fretilin.

But I do think that it is about time that the NGO was asked some questions.

Who for example funds it?

And what role have Australia's academics, especially the "political" scientists played in the East Timor debacle.
Or is it not true that thousands remain displaced in the capital and gangs are still intimidating its residents long after the cause of it all, Mari Alkatiri, resigned?

http://www.southeastasiantimes.com/

Court victory for Alkatiri and Fretilin

Media Release


Timor-Leste Democratic Support Network

August 14, 2006


East Timor’s Court of Appeal has completely rejected a challenge to the legitimacy of the leadership of the governing party Fretilin headed by deposed Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri.

Three judges unanimously ruled that Fretilin’s congress held May 17-19 acted legally when it re-elected Mr Alkatiri as party secretary and Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo as party president.

The judges said the congress decision to decide the leadership by show of hands rather than secret ballot, did not (not) violate East Timor’s Law on Political Parties.

The judges ‘wholly rejected’ a request by eight party members to declare the election illegal and order another congress to be held.

‘This is a major vindication of the legitimacy and stand taken by Mari Alkatiri and Fretilin,’ said Fretilin spokesman in Australia and lawyer Sahe Da Silva.

‘Those who argued that Fretilin had forfeited the right to nominate the Prime Minister because of the conduct of the congress, have been proven wrong,’ he said.

Mr Da Silva said the court ruling reinforced Fretilin’s democratic mandate to govern the country and put it in a stronger position to contest national elections due by next May.

Fretilin will hold a media conference on the court decision in Dili tomorrow (Tuesday 15 August).



The full text of the conclusion of the 19-page court judgement handed down on Friday August 11 follows:


Conclusion of the Court of Appeal Ruling by:

President Judge, Claudio Ximenes

Judge, Jacinta Correia da Costa

Judge, Maria Natércia Gusmão Pereira


By the proceeding, this panel of judges of the Court of Appeal decides:


1. To judge out of time the complaint against the elections of the FRETILIN leadership made by Vitor da Costa, Vicente Mau Boci, Aderito de Jesus, Igidio de Jesus, Cesar Moreira, Ricardo Nheu, Armando Midar, and Adolfo Antonio Belo , and as a result of this, declares that the Court cannot adjudicate on the request of the complainants;


2. To declare nonetheless, that:

a) Even if the complaint had been made in time, the request of the complainants should be wholly rejected given that:

-line c of article 18 establishes two forms of election: (a) one by a vote of all members, in relation to which was required to be "a direct and secret vote"; (b) another by a vote of representative assembly of members in relation of which it was not required to be either direct or secret;

-as line c of article 18 does not require a vote of the representative assembly of members to be "direct and secret", article 17, line 2 of the FRETILIN constitution does not violate article 18 line c of law 3/2004;

-as line c of article 18 does not require that the vote of the representative assembly of members be "direct and secret" the FRETILIN congress was at liberty to adopt a system of secret ballot or non-secret vote to elect the office bearers to its party leadership structure;

-the FRETILIN congress did not violate line c of article 18 in establishing in its party constitution the option of voting by show of hands (non-secret vote) to elect its president and secretary general;

-the FRETILIN congress did not violate line c of article 18 in electing by a vote by show of hands (non-secret vote) Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo as President and Mari Alkatiri as Secretary General of the party;

-the legitimacy of the leadership of Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo as President and Mari Alkatiri as Secretary General of FRETILIN are not effected by their being elected by a show of hands;

- there is no basis for the court to order FRETILIN to realize an extra ordinary congress to elect a new leadership.

b) Even if there had been a basis to regard the election of the president and secretary general as violation of the terms of article 18, line c of law 3/2004, the court cannot order FRETILIN to realize an extraordinary congress to elect a new leadership in accordance of the principles of law 3/2004.


ENDS

Dos leitores

Quer se concorde ou não, quer "dê jeito ou não", o Tribunal de Recurso é independente do poder político.

O facto de no passado ter sido criticado pelo governo, não lhe retirou isenção.

Este acordão foi uma belissíma prova de que Timor-Leste não é um Estado falhado.

A justiça, com todas os seus problemas e dificuldades de um país jovem, mostrou que funciona.


Parabéns, Senhores Juízes, pela excelente prova democrática que acabam de dar ao resto do mundo.

Viva Timor-Leste.

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Os dois pesos e duas medidas dos jornalistas Australianos

Tradução da Margarida:


Southeast Asian Times
EDITORIAL
5.7.06

A decisão do director da Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Robyn Watts, de não publicar um livro escrito pelo jornalista “investigador” premiado desta empresa estatal, Chris Masters, depois de ter passado quatro anos a escrevê-lo, devia ser instrutivo para as sociedades emergentes na Ásia do Sudeste que lutam para reconciliar a liberdade de imprensa com a necessidade de garantir relatos justos.

Em particular, deviam perguntar a si próprios como é que o anti-herói do livro encomendado pela ABC, o antigo treinador de Rugby da União Australiana, transformado no comunicador com sucesso, Alan Jones, se conseguiu proteger contra possível difamação – percebida ou doutro modo – quando o ido primeiro-ministro do novo independente Timor-Leste, Mari Alkatari, não conseguiu.

A resposta é simples: Jones, com as suas algibeiras fundas, conseguiu contratar advogados para verificar cada página do manuscrito antes da publicação até que finalmente – depois de se encontrar com os directores da corporação nomeados pelo governo de John Howard - Watts anunciou: "As empresas da ABC têm uma responsabilidade clara de contribuírem para resultados económicos para a ABC. Continuar com a publicação resultaria quase de certeza em perda comercial, o que seria irresponsável."

Mas onde ocorreriam perdas com um livro como o de Jonestown tão obviamente destinado a tornar-se um best seller? Certamente não pelo preço de pagar ao autor e depois à impressão e distribuição, apesar de Masters calcular que o dinheiro já gasto foi de $A100,000.

Não, o risco estava nas indemnizações e custos que Jones podia ter ganho.

Infelizmente, Alkatiri não teve tal protecção.

Timor-Leste é agora um mercado aberto para jornalistas Australianos que, apesar de notabilizados pela sua ausência durante a luta pela independência e ignorando que o seu país foi a única nação do mundo a aceitar a ocupação indonésia, chegaram à fronteira determinados a mostrar a sua audácia ignorando convenientemente as regras a que tão medrosamente obedecem em casa.

O resultado, primeiro na Austrália – depois através do mundo quando agências emissoras conscientes dos custos re-distribuíram as suas limitadas opiniões de Dili – foi a publicação de difamação óbvia, rumores e asserções infundamentados porque os bravos repórteres sabiam que a ameaça de uma carta dos advogados de Alkatiri não existia.

Acusações de amotinados de que Alkatiri tinha ordenado às tropas para disparar sobre manifestantes pacíficos e que tinha ganho a re-eleição como secretário-geral do partido no poder, a Fretilin, pela intimidação e ou por ter mudado as regras, foram publicadas com alegre imoralidade e todas sem a oportunidade de refutação – um pré-requisito em qualquer defesa de um caso de difamação na Austrália.

Mais tarde, os jornalistas queixaram-se que Alkatiri tinha querido que Timor-Leste adoptasse leis contra a calúnia draconianas.

O pasmo – vendo o resultado duma visita de representantes dos media Australianos media – foi que ele não tivesse apresentado a proposta mais cedo.

O que os media Australianos não dizem é que foram para Timor-Leste na expectativa de Alkatiri ser derrotado para o cargo de secretário-geral da Fretilin e quando isso não aconteceu, tornaram-se obscenos.

O repórter Australiano Evan Whitton é reconhecido pelo seu trabalho.

Argumenta que todos os repórteres são "investigadores" mas que o melhor é ver os modelos nos factos que juntam para se compreender o que está em curso.

Para fazer isto, têm de se perguntar a si próprios porque é que lhes está a ser dada informação.

Isto não aconteceu em Timor-Leste. Em vez disso, os media Australianos, protegidos pela sua incapacidade de se verem a si próprios como os outros os vêem, ou tiraram as suas deixas do Ministério dos Estrangeiros Australiano, que quer um governo mais acomodado às ambições da Austrália, ou seguiram a corrente, ou decidiram quem devia ser autorizado a governar ou a deixar de governar um país que não é o seu.

O Presidente Xanana Gusmão, com o apoio da sua mulher Australiana, e o Ministro dos Estrangeiros José Ramos Horta eram os bons. Alkatari, Árabe, Muçulmano, Comunista, o mau.

O antigo primeiro-ministro da Malásia Dr Mahathir Mohamad disse à repórter da ABC Helen Vatsikopoulos, no princípio deste mês que os Australianos ainda pensam que a sua tarefa é supervisionar a região.

Se isto é verdade, e a evidência apoia sem margem de dúvida a teoria do Dr Mahathir, os media Australianos trabalham como capatazes para este programa de objectivos exibidos – e como capatazes bastante cobardes neste caso.

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By the proceeding, this panel of judges of the Court of Appeal decides...

Conclusion of the Court of Appeal Ruling by:

President Judge, Claudio Ximenes

Judge, Jacinta Correia da Costa

Judge, Maria Natércia Gusmão Pereira


By the proceeding, this panel of judges of the Court of Appeal decides:

To judge out of time the complaint against the elections of the FRETILIN leadership made by Vitor da Costa, Vicente Mau Boci, Aderito de Jesus, Igidio de Jesus, Cesar Moreira, Ricardo Nheu, Armando Midar, and Adolfo Antonio Belo , and as a result of this, declares that the Court cannot adjudicate on the request of the complainants;
To declare nonetheless, that:
a) Even if the complaint had been made in time, the request of the complainants should be wholly rejected given that:
-line c of article 18 establishes two forms of election: (a) one by a vote of all members, in relation to which was required to be “a direct and secret vote”; (b) another by a vote of representative assembly of members in relation of which it was not required to be either direct or secret;
-as line c of article 18 does not require a vote of the representative assembly of members to be “direct and secret”, article 17, line 2 of the FRETILIN constitution does not violate article 18 line c of law 3/2004;
-as line c of article 18 does not require that the vote of the representative assembly of members be “direct and secret” the FRETILIN congress was at liberty to adopt a system of secret ballot or non-secret vote to elect the office bearers to its party leadership structure;
-the FRETILIN congress did not violate line c of article 18 in establishing in its party constitution the option of voting by show of hands (non-secret vote) to elect its president and secretary general;
-the FRETILIN congress did not violate line c of article 18 in electing by a vote by show of hands (non-secret vote) Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo as President and Mari Alkatiri as Secretary General of the party;
-the legitimacy of the leadership of Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo as President and Mari Alkatiri as Secretary General of FRETILIN are not effected by their being elected by a show of hands;
- there is no basis for the court to order FRETILIN to realize an extra ordinary congress to elect a new leadership.
b) Even if there had been a basis to regard the election of the president and secretary general as violation of the terms of article 18, line c of law 3/2004, the court cannot order FRETILIN to realize an extraordinary congress to elect a new leadership in accordance of the principles of law 3/2004.


Dili, 11 August 2006

Panel of Judges of Court of Appeal

President Judge, Claudio Ximenes

Judge, Jacinta Correia da Costa

Judge, Maria Natércia Gusmão Pereira