We could have done more for Timor: Portugal

Australia Network News

Representatives from East Timor, Portugal and Australia have meet in Canberra.
Created: Tue, 10 Feb 14:35:12 UTC 2009
Last Updated: 13 hours 36 minutes ago

A year on from rebel attacks that left East Timor's president fighting for his life, Portugal's Foreign Minister Luis Amado has suggested the international community failed to do enough for the new nation early in its independence.

Mr Armado has been in talks with his Australian counterpart Stephen Smith today, and says the world was too optimistic about East Timor's transformation.

"Probably we were too optimistic a couple of years ago and we didn't pay the attention that we probably should have paid to the importance of the presence of the international community in assisting this process," he says.

Mr Smith says while security in East Timor has stabilised in the year since the near-fatal shooting of President Jose Ramos-Horta, the situation remains fragile.

"That's why in ... Australia's view there is an ongoing need for the United Nations presence [and] the International Stabilisation Force," he says.

"Australia and Portugal both play a shared role for the capacity building of East Timor's own institutions - particularly training of police, training of military."

On a knife-edge

On February 11 last year, Mr Ramos-Horta was shot and wounded in a clash with renegade soldiers at his home outside the capital, Dili.

The incident also claimed the life of rebel leader Alfredo Reinado, and was followed an hour later by a failed attack on Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao.

Last year's events prompted fears of a return to chaos in the country just two years after fighting among police, soldiers and street gangs left at least 37 dead.

But instead of triggering fresh violence, one analyst says the death of Reinado has brought an end to a rebellion of 600 disgruntled soldiers.

"One shouldn't speak ill of the dead, but Reinado's death removed a major impediment to peace," says the Australian National University's George Quinn.

But he says grinding poverty, a dysfunctional education system, gangs of unemployed youth and a culture of impunity has the country on a "knife-edge".

"The risks of a recurrence of violence and stagnation are very real ... my impression is that East Timor is on a knife-edge at the moment. It could go either way."

International community failed E Timor: Portugal

ABC News
Posted 6 hours 9 minutes ago
Updated 6 hours 10 minutes ago

Portugal's Foreign Minister Luis Amado has suggested the international community failed to do enough for East Timor early in its independence.

Mr Armado - who has held talks in Canberra with his Australian counterpart Stephen Smith - says the world was too optimistic about East Timor's transformation.

Mr Smith says while security in East Timor has stabilised in the year since the near-fatal shooting of President Jose Ramos-Horta, the situation remains fragile.

"That's why in ... Australia's view there is an ongoing need for the United Nations presence [and] the International Stabilisation Force," he said.

"Australia and Portugal both play a shared role for the capacity building of East Timor's own institutions - particularly training of police, training of military."

The Government Praised Corruptor, Xanana Tells Lies (is a Liar)

Tempo Semanal Edisaun 120

Sunday, 8 February 2009
Dili, Tempo Semanal
Translation of lead story from Edisaun 120, 12 January 2009.

The Provedor for Human Rights and Justice (PDHJ) is an independent body with function to appreciate and satisfies the complains from the citizens against the public authorities, and to make sure that those acts are in conformity with the law as well as looking for possibilities to prevent and initiate the whole process to improve justice, combat corruption, collusion and nepotism, however the state bodies especially the government, has simplified the role of PDHJ only as a curtain to hide the corrupting acts of the government.

This shows that, the government's classic doctrine of zero tolerance for corruption and the political commitment that taken five cents to be dismissed, is only a political propaganda to destruct the public, because PDHJ is an independent organ which is defined Article 27 of the Constitution of the RDTL, has conducted investigation for some indication of corruption in the government, but the government denies it by not appreciating several reports produced by PDHJ.

"We have investigated some officials for corruption acts, and have referred it to the Office of the Public Prosecution. While it is in the Office of the Public Prosecution, we recommended the competent ministry to take disciplinary measures in accordance with the civil service law, but until now the government did not take any disciplinary measure and worse the government has sent the official to study abroad.

How can we educate people, how can we ask people to stop making corruption if those who corrupt were sent to study abroad, what to study? Studying to be a best corruptor!", the Provedor, Sebastião Dias Ximenes questioning when interviewed by this newspaper in his office just recently.

Besides the corruption case by the civil servant, there is also a corruption case involving Timor-Leste's Ambassador for Indonesia. In this part, PDHJ has conducted investigation and found out that there is an indication of corruption but since Ambassador is not a part of the civil servants therefore the process for the Ambassador is through the Office of Public Prosecution.

However the lady who worked with the Ambassador, since she is a civil servant then there should be a disciplinary action taken in accordance with the civil service law. Nevertheless the lady does not receive any disciplinary action and worse she is now become one of the officials in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs", the Provedor is asking with sad expression. There are also some cases that has investigated and the recommendation has been referred but they (Provedor does not want to mention the name of the ministry) forwarded the case to the civil service directorate to do the investigation.

"Provedor is the highest institution, thus when it has investigated the case, it should be the last resource and not to forward it to the smaller institutes to investigate. This means that we do not understand the law", Sebastiao said.

Furthermore he said, there are also some corruption act y some members of the government, these corruption acts occurs when those members of government performed their work not according to the law and the legal procedures.

"the member of the government uses his power to grant project to people known by him, worse though there has been a decree law on procurement but we only use our power by practicing single source (direct appointment). It clearly shows that we are committing abuse of power because we are granting projects to our colleagues or family. Therefore I would like to say that abuse of power takes part in the types of corruption" Sebastiao said.

Other case within the AMP government which was detected by the Provedor was conflict of interest between some members of government. ~

"As because we it is our family or as because we have relationship with the company, therefore we give the priority because of the family relationship.

Therefore, I would like to say that, during 2008, the number of complains on corruption was received by PDHJ was in a total of 45", he said. Why did those types of corruption exists within the AMP government, Sebastiao responded that, because the members of government mainly defends their partisan, group and family interests than the national interest, because the some members of the government has the ambition to gain something through the use of power and that because there is not good control from the top.

how to combat those types of corruption, Sebastiao said that, there should be a good political will from the government, the political will should not only in words, but put in practice, because the former government always say zero tolerance for corruption and the current government said whoever steal five cent is dismissed, whoever does not perform well is dismissed. But this will of the government will only in mouth and if this political will indeed puts into practice, there has been many people dismissed because of stealing five cents, but now it is not only five cents, no one is even dismissed though hundred thousand dollars was stolen.

Such case occurs because the government does not have the power and courage to take measures in dismissing those people who are corrupting. "I can see that Mr. Prime Minister has good intention to combat corruption, but is there courage to take measures on those people who are corrupting", Sebastiao asked Xanana as the Head of Government.

The Provedor reinforced that, if the Prime Minister has the courage, he should not be shocked and establishing the Anti Corruption Commission but should ask the anti corruption institutions such as PDHJ, Office of the Public Prosecutor and the Inspector General to promptly conduct investigation on information and criticisms which pointing that there are corruption in some ministries.

"Just now everyone was shocked when the Transparency International and the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) issued their report that the level of corruption in Timor-Leste is very high. In my opinion we should not be shocked of it but should look at how we can detect and take measures to stop corruption, we should not accuse other people of our corruption deeds," he said.

Furthermore he said, suppose the government requests the Provedor to carry out investigation from one ministry to another, but before requesting it, the government should reinforce the resource of the Provedor because currently Provedor only conducted investigation based on complains that Provedor received from the community. Provedor is unable to take its own initiative to carry out investigation because the human resources in the Provedor are not sufficient.

According to Sebastiao, the government does not want to reinforce the function of Provedor but instead be shocked and establishing the Anti Corruption Commission. "If I was the Prime Minister, I will ask the Provedor to enter each ministry to carry out investigation", he said.

Furthermore the Provedor reinforced that, if the government has the courage to combat corruption, then there should be a good political will, there should be coordinated actions, there should be strong and clear law, there should be sufficient human resource as well as financial resource and also there should be support from the whole community.

"I know that Mr. Prime Minister has good intention to combat corruption, but when shall Mr. Prime Minister take measures on those people who are corrupting, because currently I noticed that Mr. Prime Minister seems quiet even though there has been many complains on corruption and various recommendations which PDHJ has referred to some ministries to take disciplinary actions based on the civil service law.

If the Prime Minister has the courage to say that his government has not committed corruption, then he should not be just quiet but should request the Provedor to carry out investigation. "Today, we conducted investigation because of the complaints from Fretilin bench; the government itself has not conducted any internal investigation on the existing corruption risk. That is why, how would people say that we have the will to combat corruption if we are not reinforcing the existing anti corruption institutions but instead establishing a commission which has the same function as Provedor.

Therefore I would like to say, even the Prime Minister has good intention but if it is not implemented then by adopting the Indonesian word, we may say that it is "omong kosong" (nonsense), said Sebastiao with loud voice.

At the same time, the Provedor questioned on some members of the community who were afraid to present complains to Provedor because during these days there are some people contacted the Provedor that they experienced abuse of power in some ministries but when the Provedor request to meet, the person was afraid. Therefore, the Provedor requested the members of community not to be afraid to present anything to the Provedor because Provedor will keep in secret the identity of the person who presented complains.

For the members of community who are afraid to file complains, the Provedor requested to contact PDHJ or may submit complains to PDHJ without identification or may also sent an SMS to the Provedor whenever the community figure out that some members of the government are corrupting.

Whenever the community sees or knows that in one place or in some ministries there are members of government doing corruption but they are not willing or afraid to inform the Provedor, it means that the community itself also contribute to the acts of corruption.

"I would like to give an example on the case of importation of beer through the Dili Port. In regard to this case, someone sent an SMS to the Provedor to request direct intervention from the Provedor to the Dili Port in order to carry out investigation on the containers which are full of beer but people who work there say that the container contains only milk.

After receiving the SMS, I promptly ordered my Director and two of his investigators to go to the Dili Port to carry out investigation and figured out that indeed there was falsification of data", he said.

There are also some people who wanted to hand over corruption documents to the PDHJ but they requested the Provedor to buy the documents. "Some people were asking whether or not the PDHJ is able to buy the documents from them. Therefore I told them, suppose the government allocate the budget for us so that we can buy those documents", he said.

There are also some people telephoned the Provedor saying that some companies wanted to import goods but when they went to register, there are people who charge them (the companies).

Since at that time, the Provedor was on a visit to abroad, so the Provedor only make an appointment to meet with the person upon return to Timor. But when the Provedor returned to Timor, he does not want to meet with the Provedor anymore, this means that he is afraid of something. Therefore the Provedor requested the whole public to fight against corruption because corruption will only make those who are rich become richer, and those who are poor become poorer.

"I personally am not afraid of anyone when I talked about corruption. I am not afraid because I work to combat corruption; I work to defend the rights of the people and the people itself who has appointed me to fulfill this position, therefore I should defend the people, defend the revenue of the Timor Sea so that the money is not only to feed and make rich some people", Sebastiao preaches to show that to combat corruption we are not only sacrificing our words and false promises but sacrifice through practice and there is no word of compromise to those who steals the money of the people's.

(aro)

East Timor editor sued by minister of justice

Marianne Kearney, Foreign Correspondent

Last Updated: February 08. 2009 9:30AM UAE / February 8. 2009 5:30AM GMT DILI //

Press freedom in East Timor, South-East Asia's youngest and
one of its poorest countries, is being stifled as a crusading
reporter is being sued by a government official, rights groups and
local journalists say.

The editor of the investigative newspaper Tempo Semanal is being sued
for defamation by the justice minister, Lucia Lobato, for publishing
a story suggesting that she was awarding contracts to refurbish a
prison and supply prison uniforms to her husband's company and her
associates.

The minister argues that the editor, Jose Belo, violated her privacy
and journalists' ethical code by publishing text messages between the
minister and the business associates.

But using the criminal laws of the country's former occupier,
Indonesia, to charge the journalist threatens media freedom, say the
East Timor and Indonesia Network (ETAN) and the International
Federation of Journalists. Local journalist groups have called on the
government to drop the charges.

"Tempo Semanal and Jose Belo should not have to face charges under
this obsolete and repressive law," said John Miller, national
co-ordinator of ETAN.

"Information about government activities should not be subject to
defamation laws. Rather than attack the messenger, [East Timor's]
leadership should support freedom of expression and encourage a
dynamic, investigative media," Mr Miller said.

Reporting about East Timor's nascent but cash-strapped democracy is
notoriously difficult, say local reporters and media watchers, and
few local outlets are able to produce hard-hitting investigative stories.
The country has a handful of newspapers, with limited circulation
outside Dili, that struggle to survive, one national television
station and a few radio stations. Internet penetration is less than
0.1 per cent.

"I'm just glad that they're printing any newspapers at all," said
Fernanda Borges, an opposition MP.

She said a lack of understanding among Timorese about the importance
of critical reporting and the role of media combined with a climate
of intimidation creates a challenging environment for local media.

If the few reporters who dare to expose corruption and malpractice
are targeted with lawsuits, she fears it will set a dangerous
precedent for the young country.

"This risks shutting down democracy in this country before it has
ever taken hold," Ms Borges said.

"You can have the most brilliant institutions for fighting
corruption, but if people are scared to say, 'boo' to the government,
then there is no way you can fight corruption."

Local reporters say the media outlets' limited budget, which means
there is rarely any money to report outside the capital Dili, and
lack of public support for journalists are additional obstacles.

Mr Borges said it was no accident that as more and more reports were
emerging of alleged collusion and corruption in government, the
minister had filed the lawsuit.

Tempo Seminal is one of the few outlets in the country regularly
reporting on corruption within and outside government.
Jose Belo, the editor, started the paper in 2006 with US$1,500
(Dh5,509) and a laptop.

For the first six months, the staff of 13 journalists worked without
pay. But today he has 20 salaried staff, who have broken some major stories.
If the lawsuit is successful, Belo said it would destroy his paper
and silence the country's braver journalists.

"Journalists will think twice before doing these type of stories.
They will begin writing softer stories and telling lies to the
people," he said.

Ironically, Belo, a former member of East Timor's resistance, is
being sued using the same laws that he fought against, prior to the
country's independence from Indonesia.

East Timor officially became an independent nation in 2002, but has
been using Indonesia's criminal code while parliament drafts a new
code, which would still criminalise defamation.

Ms Borges said it appears to be worse than the Indonesian penal code,
because even defaming someone verbally in private was an offence.
"It's sad for me, and for Timor that almost 10 years to the day since
Timor has been free from Indonesia, they're still using this law," Belo
said.

He acted as a liaison between the Timorese guerrilla movement and
foreign journalists, taking them into the jungle to meet the
separatist commanders and smuggling out tapes and information from
the jungle to Australian, British, German and Japanese media during the
1990s.

He also helped expose human rights abuses by the Indonesian military.
In 1997 he was captured with guerrilla commander David Alex and
jailed for a year.

During his years as a resistance member, he spent a total of three
years in jail. But if found guilty of defamation, he could face six years
jail.

Belo said the court case was particularly disturbing, because Xanana
Gusmao, a former guerrilla leader and current prime minister, came
into office in 2007 vowing to fight corruption and to protect freedom
of speech.

"But with this new government, there has been an increase in
corruption, and they are also very sensitive about media reporting."
Marianne Kearney, Foreign Correspondent

Last Updated: February 08. 2009 9:30AM UAE / February 8. 2009 5:30AM GMT
DILI //

Press freedom in East Timor, South-East Asia's youngest and
one of its poorest countries, is being stifled as a crusading
reporter is being sued by a government official, rights groups and
local journalists say.

The editor of the investigative newspaper Tempo Semanal is being sued
for defamation by the justice minister, Lucia Lobato, for publishing
a story suggesting that she was awarding contracts to refurbish a
prison and supply prison uniforms to her husband's company and her
associates.

The minister argues that the editor, Jose Belo, violated her privacy
and journalists' ethical code by publishing text messages between the
minister and the business associates.

But using the criminal laws of the country's former occupier,
Indonesia, to charge the journalist threatens media freedom, say the
East Timor and Indonesia Network (ETAN) and the International
Federation of Journalists. Local journalist groups have called on the
government to drop the charges.

"Tempo Semanal and Jose Belo should not have to face charges under
this obsolete and repressive law," said John Miller, national
co-ordinator of ETAN.

"Information about government activities should not be subject to
defamation laws. Rather than attack the messenger, [East Timor's]
leadership should support freedom of expression and encourage a
dynamic, investigative media," Mr Miller said.

Reporting about East Timor's nascent but cash-strapped democracy is
notoriously difficult, say local reporters and media watchers, and
few local outlets are able to produce hard-hitting investigative stories.
The country has a handful of newspapers, with limited circulation
outside Dili, that struggle to survive, one national television
station and a few radio stations. Internet penetration is less than
0.1 per cent.

"I'm just glad that they're printing any newspapers at all," said
Fernanda Borges, an opposition MP.

She said a lack of understanding among Timorese about the importance
of critical reporting and the role of media combined with a climate
of intimidation creates a challenging environment for local media.

If the few reporters who dare to expose corruption and malpractice
are targeted with lawsuits, she fears it will set a dangerous
precedent for the young country.

"This risks shutting down democracy in this country before it has
ever taken hold," Ms Borges said.

"You can have the most brilliant institutions for fighting
corruption, but if people are scared to say, 'boo' to the government,
then there is no way you can fight corruption."

Local reporters say the media outlets' limited budget, which means
there is rarely any money to report outside the capital Dili, and
lack of public support for journalists are additional obstacles.

Mr Borges said it was no accident that as more and more reports were
emerging of alleged collusion and corruption in government, the
minister had filed the lawsuit.

Tempo Seminal is one of the few outlets in the country regularly
reporting on corruption within and outside government.
Jose Belo, the editor, started the paper in 2006 with US$1,500
(Dh5,509) and a laptop.

For the first six months, the staff of 13 journalists worked without
pay. But today he has 20 salaried staff, who have broken some major stories.
If the lawsuit is successful, Belo said it would destroy his paper
and silence the country's braver journalists.

"Journalists will think twice before doing these type of stories.
They will begin writing softer stories and telling lies to the
people," he said.

Ironically, Belo, a former member of East Timor's resistance, is
being sued using the same laws that he fought against, prior to the
country's independence from Indonesia.

East Timor officially became an independent nation in 2002, but has
been using Indonesia's criminal code while parliament drafts a new
code, which would still criminalise defamation.

Ms Borges said it appears to be worse than the Indonesian penal code,
because even defaming someone verbally in private was an offence.
"It's sad for me, and for Timor that almost 10 years to the day since
Timor has been free from Indonesia, they're still using this law," Belo
said.

He acted as a liaison between the Timorese guerrilla movement and
foreign journalists, taking them into the jungle to meet the
separatist commanders and smuggling out tapes and information from
the jungle to Australian, British, German and Japanese media during the
1990s.

He also helped expose human rights abuses by the Indonesian military.
In 1997 he was captured with guerrilla commander David Alex and
jailed for a year.

During his years as a resistance member, he spent a total of three
years in jail. But if found guilty of defamation, he could face six years
jail.

Belo said the court case was particularly disturbing, because Xanana
Gusmao, a former guerrilla leader and current prime minister, came
into office in 2007 vowing to fight corruption and to protect freedom
of speech.

"But with this new government, there has been an increase in
corruption, and they are also very sensitive about media reporting."

lol...

IV GOVERNO CONSTITUCIONAL
GABINETE DO PRIMEIRO-MINISTRO


COMUNICAÇÃO À IMPRENSA Díli, 24 de Outubro de 2008


Proposta de lei para o estabelecimento da Comissão Anti-Corrupção


O Primeiro-Ministro Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão submeteu hoje uma proposta de lei ao Parlamento Nacional relativamente ao estabelecimento de uma Comissão Anti-Corrupção dedicada ao combate à corrupção em Timor-Leste.

A lei foi desenvolvida após um longo período de consulta com o Povo de Timor-Leste. Este processo incluiu uma consulta nacional desenvolvida pela LABEH, abrangendo todo o país, na qual o Povo apelou de forma enfática ao estabelecimento de uma Comissão Anti-Corrupção.

O Primeiro-Ministro Gusmão afirmou “Está na hora de agir, de assegurar que a corrupção não compensa em Timor-Leste.

A Comissão Anti-Corrupção irá garantir que qualquer pessoa que se envolva em actos de corrupção poderá ser investigada e que lhe poderão ser aplicadas fortes sanções, incluindo prisão e a confiscação de quaisquer coisas que tenham obtido através da corrupção.”

“Precisamos tomar medidas fortes, e este passo corajoso irá assegurar que a corrupção não cria raízes na nossa democracia. O Povo de Timor-Leste merece-o.” acrescentou o Primeiro-Ministro Gusmão.

A Comissão Anti-Corrupção terá um mandato para:

• investigar actos de corrupção
• fornecer dados ao Procurador-Geral para o processamento de casos de corrupção
• levar a cabo campanhas educativas
• prestar conselhos a todos os departamentos e instituições públicos sobre formas de prevenir a ocorrência de
corrupção
• iniciar acções para recuperação de activos provenientes da corrupção.

Um aspecto importante a ter em conta é que a Comissão Anti-Corrupção terá fortes poderes de investigação. Terá direito de acesso a documentos e edifícios, e terá poder para obrigar indivíduos a responderem a questões sobre alegações de corrupção.

A Comissão Anti-Corrupção, em conjunto com o Procurador-Geral e com a aprovação de um Tribunal, terá também
poderes para:

• congelar contas bancárias
• Apreender activos
• impedir suspeitos de se ausentarem de Timor-Leste
• interceptar e gravar comunicações electrónicas, incluindo a monitorização de chamadas telefónicas e de mensagens de correio electrónico.

A Comissão Anti-Corrupção será um órgão independente que reportará ao Parlamento Nacional.

O Comissário, na qualidade de chefe da Comissão Anti-Corrupção, deverá ser escolhido por três quartos dos Deputados e nomeado pelo Presidente da República. Para ser elegível para o cargo de Comissário, o candidato terá de ser uma pessoa de integridade comprovada e reconhecida pelo seu elevado nível de imparcialidade e independência.

O Primeiro-Ministro Gusmão afirmou “As normas que regem a selecção do Comissário deverão garantir que a pessoa escolhida possui a mais elevada competência e integridade, e que está acima das políticas partidárias.”

A Comissão Anti-Corrupção irá operar a partir de 2009 e terá um mandato para investigar alegações de actos de corrupção cometidos após esta data.

Para mais informações, por favor contactar o Sr. Agio Pereira, porta-voz do Governo, através do tel. 723 0011 ou agiopereira@cdm.gov.tl.



………………………………………………......................…………………………………………




REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA DE TIMOR-LESTE
Gabinete do Primeiro-Ministro



PROPOSTA DE LEI QUE CRIA A COMISSÃO ANTI-CORRUPÇÃO



EXPOSIÇÃO DE MOTIVOS


Esta proposta de Lei cria a Comissão Anti.Corrupção, independente de todas as influências políticas e externas. Será dirigida por um Comissário empossado pelo Presidente da República mediante designação de pelo menos três quartos dos deputados ao Parlamento Nacional.

O Comissário deverá ser pessoa de comprovada integridade e reconhecido pelo seu alto nível de independência e imparcialidade. O Comissário é nomeado para um mandato com duração de quatro anos que pode ser renovado para novo mandato de quatro anos. O Comissário pode nomear até três Comissários adjuntos que podem cumprir dois mandatos de quatro anos. A Comissão recrutará o seu próprio staff.

A Comissão terá três funções essenciais:
Conhecer e investigar casos de corrupção;
Aconselhar os serviços e departamentos da Função Pública na prevenção da corrupção;
Promover a educação da população sobre boa governação e a forma de apoiarem o combate à corrupção;


A Comissão Anti-Corrupção, conjuntamente com o Procurador-Geral, e com a aprovação do tribunal, terá poderes para :
· Congelar contas bancárias;
· Apreender bens;
· Impedir suspeitos de abandonarem o país

Em casos de emergência, por exemplo para proteger provas ou para prevenir que dinheiro ou outros bens, ou suspeitos, de abandonarem o país, a Comissão poderá usar estes poderes antes da autorização judicial. Porém, a acção deverá ser validada pelo juíz no período de 72 horas sem o que será ilegal.

A comissão terá também competência para interceptar e gravar conversações e comunicações electrónicas tais como emails, mas só o poderá fazer com prévia autorização judicial.
Os pedidos para a realização de tais acções deve ser feito em conjunto pala Comissão e Ministério Público perante o juiz.

A presente proposta de lei prevê que a Comissão aponte prioritariamente as suas investigações para os casos de maior gravidade ou maior complexidade. A proposta prevê também que a Comissão e todas as entidades públicas, particularmente o Gabinete do Procurador Geral da República e a PNTL; cooperem na investigação de casos suspeitos de corrupção.

A presente proposta não cria novos poderes de investigação; todos os poderes que a Comissão detém podem ser já exercidos por outras autoridades de polícia em Timor-Leste.

A Comissão deverá também identificar áreas mais susceptíveis de originar corrupção para prevenir a ocorrência futura de casos de corrupção.

A Comissão deverá também procurar educar e envolver todos os cidadãos na necessidade de promover a boa governação e na importância do combate à corrupção. Este papel inclui a necessidade de informar os cidadãos sobre o que podem fazer para combater a corrupção e a quem podem reportar casos de suspeita de corrupção.

Apesar da Comissão ser independente e não poder ser sujeita a qualquer influência externa, a respectiva actuação pode ser investigada a pedido de um quinto dos deputados. O Comissário tem o direito de responder a qualquer relatório sobre uma dessas investigações e só pode ser demitido por uma maioria de três quartos do Parlamento.

O Comissário pode também ser demitido se for condenado a pena de prisão efectiva, ou ser for considerado incapaz para cumprir as suas funções por uma comissão de três médicos.

A Comissão deve enviar ao Parlamento Nacional, anualmente, um relatório de actividades, as respectivas contas e origem e montante das respectivas receitas. Estes relatórios não podem , contudo conter elementos sobre investigações concretas.

As contas da Comissão serão sujeitas a auditorias externas que serão também apresentadas ao Parlamento Nacional.

Balística contradiz relato da segurança de Ramos Horta

Díli, 10 Fev (Lusa) - O resultado dos testes de balística não confirmam o relato da segurança do Presidente da Repúllica de Timor-Leste sobre o 11 de Fevereiro de 2008, afirmaram hoje à Agência Lusa em Díli fontes envolvidas na investigação.

A análise balística efectuada na Austrália, após testes a várias armas usadas nos acontecimentos de há um ano, indicou que o major Alfredo Reinado e o soldado Leopoldino Exposto não foram mortos com a mesma arma, segundo essas fontes.

A balística não foi conclusiva sobre o tipo ou tipos de arma com que Alfredo Reinado e Leopoldino Exposto foram atingidos, dado que os fragmentos de bala recuperados nos corpos não permitem esse nível de informação.

Os testes efectuados em Novembro indicam, no entanto, que nenhuma das armas peritadas foi a usada para disparar sobre Alfredo Reinado nem a que matou o soldado Leopoldino, ainda segundo informações coincidentes recolhidas pela Lusa.

As autoridades judiciais timorenses perceberam também que nem todas as armas que deviam ser peritadas foram entregues à Procuradoria-geral da República pelas Forças Armadas timorenses, ainda segundo fontes envolvidas no processo.

A implicação principal das muitas questões levantadas pelos testes balísticos é contradizer o relato repetido até agora pela segurança de José Ramos Horta, quer nos meios de comunicação social quer em sede de inquérito judicial.

Na versão oficial, um dos onze militares timorenses que guardavam a residência do chefe de Estado reagiu a tiro à presença de Alfredo Reinado e de três dos seus homens, todos armados no interior do jardim da casa de Ramos Horta.

Os homens de Reinado estavam, aliás, a desarmar um dos militares no portão, a quem foi retirada a sua espingarda M16.

«Em face disso», um outro segurança do Presidente, cuja identidade é conhecida do público e das autoridades, «pegou na sua arma e disparou em direcção aos dois elementos do grupo (do major), tendo atingido o Reinado e o Leopoldino», conforme consta em documentos do processo a que a Lusa teve acesso.

Esta versão de um mesmo atirador na origem da morte de Reinado e de Leopoldino, e de uma só arma, cai por terra com a análise balística.

O resultado dos testes «ainda não bate bem, não bate certo», admitiu hoje o procurador-geral da República, Longuinhos Monteiro, numa conferência de imprensa convocada na sequência de um pedido de entrevista da Lusa.

Longuinhos Monteiro recusou-se a comentar quaisquer outros detalhes da balística, mas anunciou que pediu a realização de mais testes no dia 12 de Fevereiro para esclarecer «um ou dois pontos em dúvida».

A constatação de que «a arma que foi usada para matar Alfredo Reinado não está entre as armas peritadas motivou um novo pedido da PGR ao Comando das Falintil-Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste (F-FDTL) para o envio das armas em falta na investigação», afirmaram ainda fontes judiciais à Lusa.

O procurador-geral da República dirigiu em Janeiro, para esse efeito, um pedido oficial de entrega das armas em falta para peritagem, endereçado ao brigadeiro-general Taur Matan Ruak como chefe do Estado-Maior-general das F-FDTL.

Os testes de balística tiveram por objecto «as armas apreendidas aos suspeitos na altura do Comando Conjunto e as armas que as F-FDTL indicaram à PGR como sendo as que eram dos militares de serviço na residência do Presidente da República na manhã de 11 de Fevereiro de 2008», afirmou à Lusa fonte judicial.

Na véspera do aniversário do duplo ataque contra o Presidente da República e o primeikro-ministro, continua por apurar o que aconteceu, mas Longuinhos Monteiro prometeu hoje que a acusação será entregue dentro do prazo, até 04 de Março, no Tribunal de Díli.

PRM
Lusa/Fim

East Timor on knife-edge, say analysts

AFP
Nelson da Cruz
February 10, 2009 - 5:34PM

A year after rebel attacks left East Timor's president fighting for his life, the nation is on a "knife-edge" amid threats to stability from grinding poverty and a culture of impunity, analysts say.

President Jose Ramos-Horta was shot and wounded in a clash with renegade soldiers at his home outside the capital, Dili, on February 11 last year, in an incident that claimed the life of rebel leader Alfredo Reinado.

The shooting - followed just an hour later by a failed attack on the convoy of Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao - prompted fears of a return to chaos in the country just two years after fighting among police, soldiers and street gangs left at least 37 dead.

But instead of triggering fresh violence, the death of the charismatic Reinado helped bring an end to a rebellion of 600 disgruntled soldiers which he had led, analysts say.

The problem now is to stop that hard-won stability from slipping away.

"One shouldn't speak ill of the dead, but Reinado's death removed a major impediment to peace," George Quinn, an East Timor expert and fellow at the Australian National University told AFP.

With Reinado gone, East Timor's government succeeded in convincing the remaining rebels to abandon their refuge in the country's hills and surrender.

But the government has been criticised from both inside and outside the country for apparent delays in trying Reinado's men, including his surviving second-in-command Gastao Salsinha.

And analysts have said that even amid the government's success in ending Reinado's rebellion may lie the seeds of future instability.

This is because of Ramos-Horta's apparent willingness to pardon members of Reinado's rebel outfit, which they say shows a culture of impunity.

"I met Mr Salsinha and some of his friends and I don't want them to be held responsible for the crisis that occurred because they weren't the leaders," Ramos-Horta told reporters last week, indicating he would pardon them if they were convicted.

"I can't give a pardon before the legal process is done. After the legal process I can give a pardon, but before that I can't do anything," Ramos-Horta said.

The International Crisis Group (ICG), an organisation that works to prevent conflict, argued in a report this week that while the Nobel Laureate's forgiving approach may secure peace in the short term, it could undermine the rule of law in months and years to come.

"Ramos-Horta's interventions in the process of justice are intended to promote national reconciliation, but could well have the opposite effect." the ICG said.

"They send a signal that those involved in political violence - especially the political elite and the army - will not be held to account."

Another challenge is that East Timorese people are trapped in a cycle of extreme poverty and face widespread unemployment, Quinn said.

A dysfunctional education system and the world's highest birthrate have fed the growth of gangs of unemployed youths in Dili.

Deep divisions between Timorese from the east and west of the country - which triggered the 2006 crisis - still bubble under the surface, including in the police and military.

The ongoing problems mean the country remains dependent on thousands of UN police and foreign soldiers nearly seven years after gaining formal independence from Indonesia, after a bloody 24-occupation by its neighbour that led to the deaths of up to 200,000 people.

"The risks of a recurrence of violence and stagnation are very real... my impression is that East Timor is on a knife-edge at the moment. It could go either way," Quinn said.

Timor-Leste: No Time for Complacency

International Crisis Group Asia
Briefing N°87, 9 February 2009
www.crisisgroup.org/

9 February 2009

A year after Timor-Leste’s president José Ramos-Horta was shot, security is markedly improved but at the cost of an army that is unreformed and increasingly unaccountable. There are worrying signs of disdain for the justice system and civilian control over the army. The police and army depend too heavily on a few individuals and on personal relationships that have been able to hold the security forces together. The government needs to reform the army and police, but they also need to tolerate dissent, be more transparent, and get a grip on corruption.

Asia Briefing N°87 9 February 2009
OVERVIEW

A year after the near-fatal shooting of President José Ramos-Horta, security in Timor-Leste is strikingly improved. Armed rebels are no longer at large. The atmosphere on the streets of Dili is far less tense.

The government does not seem to be facing any serious political threat to its survival. It has, at least temporarily, been able to address several of the most pressing security threats, in large part by buying off those it sees as potential troublemakers. Nevertheless, the current period of calm is not cause for complacency.

Security sector reform is lagging, the justice system is weak, the government shows signs of intolerance towards dissenting voices, and it has not got a grip on corruption. These problems, which have been at the root of the instability facing Timor-Leste since independence, must be tackled if the country is to escape the cycle of conflict.

When President Ramos-Horta was shot in February 2008, many feared Timor-Leste was falling back into violence. But the incident and its aftermath strengthened the government. It removed the rebel Reinado from the scene, while the government’s decisive response boosted popular confidence. Subsequent progress on difficult issues, such as the group of former soldiers known as the “petitioners” and the internally displaced persons (IDPs), won it further political credit. The government coalition has remained strong, while Fretilin initially found it hard to come to terms with being in opposition. Although it is increasingly effective in that important role – landing some punches on the government on issues such as financial transparency – its threats to withdraw from parliament and organise mass demonstrations against the legitimacy of the government demonstrate weakness, not strength.

Substantial challenges remain. The government has taken few serious steps to address the problems in the security sector which led to the 2006 crisis. It seems uninterested in the comprehensive security review recommended by the UN Security Council in August 2006. Responsibilities remain blurred between the army and police. The “Joint Command” created to arrest the president’s attackers bolstered the army’s ambitions to serve an internal security role. That operation saw a stream of human rights abuses, stemming from ill-discipline and a sense of being above the law. There are tensions between the Timorese and the international security forces, with the Timorese police increasingly resisting UN supervision.

There are also signs of worrying disdain for the justice system and civilian control over the army. The police and army depend too heavily on a few individuals and on personal relationships that have been able to hold the security forces together.

Presidential interventions in cases involving political violence have undermined an already weak justice system. They send a signal that those involved, especially the elite, will not be held to account, creating resentment among the victims and failing to create a deterrent for the future. Timor-Leste has seen too much impunity, and too many people have evaded responsibility for their actions.

The government’s policy of “buying off” groups such as the petitioners and IDPs has led to short term results, but carries risks. It has encouraged other groups to demand “compensation” too. A danger is that Timor-Leste may develop an entitlement culture where increasing numbers depend on, and expect, state hand-outs.

The government has bought time and public confidence. It needs to use it to address the underlying sources of tensions which led to the 2006 crisis.

Click here to view the full report as a PDF file in A4 format.

Ataques de há um ano "sem explicação racional"

*** Pedro Rosa Mendes, da Agência Lusa ***

Díli, 09 Fev (Lusa) - Um ano após o duplo ataque contra a liderança de Timor-Leste, o 11 de Fevereiro de 2008 continua “sem explicação racional” e sem acusação formada.

“Não encontro nenhuma explicação racional para o que se passou”, resumiu um dos responsáveis do Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (CHD), Léon de Riedmatten, numa entrevista recente à Agência Lusa em Díli.

A CHD, uma organização de mediação suíça, estava envolvida desde 2007 no processo de paz com o major fugitivo Alfredo Reinado e os peticionários das Forças Armadas liderados pelo ex-tenente Gastão Salsinha.

“Tudo estava encaminhado para uma solução do problema”, acrescentou o responsável do CHD à Lusa, em Novembro de 2008, por ocasião da assinatura de um protocolo com a Presidência da República timorense.

O Presidente da República, José Ramos-Horta, ficou gravemente ferido na manhã de 11 de Fevereiro de 2008 junto à sua residência, na sequência de um ataque pelo grupo do major Alfredo Reinado, no qual o próprio ex-comandante da Polícia Militar viria a morrer.

A Lusa confirmou junto da equipa do CHD em Díli que um encontro “definitivo” entre o Presidente da República e Alfredo Reinado podia acontecer tão cedo como 13 ou 14 de Fevereiro.

Um leque alargado de líderes políticos, elementos das forças de segurança timorenses e internacionais e vários observadores ouvidos nas últimas semanas pela Lusa concordam que “não faz qualquer sentido” que Alfredo Reinado escolhesse matar o chefe de Estado, a pessoa que mais se esforçou por uma resolução pacífica do problema.

“José Ramos-Horta era o único interlocutor em quem Reinado confiava. Alfredo considerava o Presidente o único líder timorense que não tinha culpas na crise de 2006”, afirmou à Lusa uma fonte que acompanhou os contactos do Estado timorense com o major fugitivo.

“Alfredo tinha um lado gaiato e um grande ego, às vezes a roçar a insolência. Mas não era maluco. Era um militar treinado e metódico que, se quisesse causar confusão, o poderia ter feito em muitas oportunidades”, comentou uma fonte internacional que contactou com o major Reinado desde 2006.

“A incógnita é saber se um homem assim pode ser influenciado por uma mulher ao ponto de fazer um disparate como atacar o seu único aliado objectivo na liderança timorense”, acrescentou o mesmo observador.

A má influência feminina em Alfredo Reinado é um tema recorrente, em geral, mas não em exclusivo, tendo por alvo Angelita Pires, ex-funcionária da Procuradoria-geral da República, companheira do major nos últimos meses de vida e co-arguida no processo do 11 de Fevereiro.

“Alfredo gostava muito do Presidente da República”, afirmou Angelita Pires à Lusa, defendendo-se das acusações em praça pública, insistindo na tese de uma “conspiração” para atrair Reinado a uma cilada.

O pai adoptivo de Reinado, o empresário e conselheiro de Estado Vítor Alves, reafirmou à Lusa que “há um ano que não há solução para o caso”.

“As autoridades não deviam bater mais na tecla do atentado. Deviam limpar o nome do menino”, frisou, recordando que “a injustiça provoca ressentimento” na juventude que apoiava o major Reinado.

Para as autoridades timorenses, no entanto, a intencionalidade criminosa de Alfredo Reinado, em concertação com Gastão Salsinha numa emboscada ao primeiro-ministro, não oferece dúvidas.

“Os propósitos do grupo liderado por Alfredo Reinado não era, como referiram os arguidos, visitar o Senhor Presidente”, escreveu um dos magistrados que instruiu o processo, num documento a que a Lusa teve acesso.

Reinado e Salsinha pretendiam “levar a cabo os actos que acabaram por praticar”, segundo o mesmo despacho.

“Talvez este caso demore a desvendar. Ou talvez o mistério fique para sempre, como os assassínios dos irmãos John e Robert Kennedy”, comentou uma fonte envolvida nos derradeiros contactos com Reinado.

Lusa/fim

Guarda presidencial "disparou primeiro", dizem arguidos do 11 de Fevereiro

*** Pedro Rosa Mendes, da Agência Lusa ***

Díli, 09 Fev (Lusa) - A guarda presidencial foi “a primeira a disparar” quando o major rebelde Alfredo Reinado entrou armado na residência do Presidente timorense, José Ramos-Horta, no atentado de há um ano, segundo documentos a que a Agência Lusa teve acesso.

“Os primeiros a disparar naquele dia foram os seguranças do Presidente da República”, afirmaram vários arguidos no processo sobre o duplo ataque contra o chefe de Estado e o primeiro-ministro, Xanana Gusmão.

José Ramos-Horta ficou gravemente ferido na sequência do ataque à sua residência pelo grupo de Alfredo Reinado, na manhã de 11 de Fevereiro de 2008, no qual morreram o major rebelde e um dos seus homens.

Xanana Gusmão escapou, pouco depois, a uma emboscada montada pelo grupo do ex-tenente Gastão Salsinha na estrada de Balíbar, a sul de Díli, onde residia então o primeiro-ministro.

O filme dos acontecimentos, segundo os documentos processuais consultados pela Lusa, começa com o trajecto do grupo do major Reinado desde Lauala, Ermera (oeste), de madrugada, e a chegada à residência de José Ramos-Horta pouco depois das 06:00.

“O Alfredo perguntou aos seguranças onde estava o Presidente, tendo estes respondido que tinha ido para a ginástica”, contou um dos suspeitos às autoridades.

“Em seguida, o Alfredo, o Leopoldino (Exposto), o (Gilberto Suni) Mota e o (Egídio) Lay entraram para o interior do quintal da casa do Presidente, (e) estavam todos armados”, acrescentou o mesmo arguido.

“Após o Reinado e os outros três terem entrado no interior do quintal, passados 3 a 5 minutos ouviram-(se) tiros. O primeiro foi um tiro a tiro seguido de rajada”, segundo o mesmo arguido, um dos nove elementos que acompanharam o major naquele dia.

A inquirição dos suspeitos confirma que Alfredo Reinado morreu cerca de 30 a 40 minutos antes de José Ramos-Horta ter sido atingido a tiro, um dos primeiros dados a emergir no próprio dia dos ataques.

“Após os tiros, o Mota e o Lay saíram a correr e nessa altura todos os que estavam cá fora, com excepção do ‘Aimeu’ e do Lay, disparam em direcção do quintal do Presidente. Dispararam tiro a tiro e rajadas”, contou ainda o mesmo arguido.

Segundo o mesmo testemunho, “surgiu na estrada em frente à casa do PR um jipe das F-FDTL” (Falintil-Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste), proveniente de Metinaro (a leste da capital), que foi apanhado no fogo cruzado.

Os homens de Reinado, então, “puseram-se em fuga em direcção à ribeira (na encosta em frente) e depois para Fatuahi”.

Uma testemunha, que se encontrava na casa do Presidente disse que “reconheceu o Alfredo Reinado” e que major rebelde a ameaçou de morte.

“(um dos militares da segurança) pegou na sua arma e disparou em direcção aos dois elementos do grupo, tendo atingido o Reinado e o Leopoldino”, lê-se nos autos de interrogatório.

Um dos principais suspeitos do 11 de Fevereiro, do grupo que entrou no recinto com Alfredo Reinado, relatou “que ninguém falou que o PR tinha sido atingido e que só ouviu falar nisso no dia 13 de Fevereiro”.

Após a morte do major Reinado, o resto do grupo juntou-se a Gastão Salsinha e só em Abril a maioria dos fugitivos se entregou às autoridades.

O antigo líder dos peticionários das F-FDTL, com uma dezena de co-arguidos, aguarda desde então, em prisão preventiva, a conclusão da investigação.

PRM.

Lusa/fim