Alguns dos 138 comentários (6)

Anonymous said...
A promulgação é uma questão de vontade do PR, mas isso iria contra o interesse de quem se levantou contra ele (o CP)...Apesar de repeitar materialmente a CRDTL e o direito internacional, há muito interesse de ordem política em causa... algo que se reproduz na presente situação...Malai cor-de-burro-quando-foge
Sábado, Junho 03, 2006 10:09:28 PM

Anonymous said...
A promulgação é uma questão de vontade do PR, mas isso iria contra o interesse de quem se levantou contra ele (o CP)...Apesar de repeitar materialmente a CRDTL e o direito internacional, há muito interesse de ordem política em causa... algo que se reproduz na presente situação...Malai cor-de-burro-quando-foge
Sábado, Junho 03, 2006 10:09:28 PM

Margarida said...
1 - Segundo a Lusa: “O primeiro-ministro de Timor-Leste, Mari Alkatiri, reafirmou hoje que há milícias pró-indonésias envolvidas nos actos de violência registados nas últimas semanas em Díli. "Mantenho o que disse", disse Alkatiri (…). Em declarações recentes à Associated Press, Mari Alkatiri dissera ter sido informado "de que nalgumas acções - incêndios de casas e outra violência e agitação civil - estiveram envolvidas ex- milícias de 1999".2 – Mas “o chefe da diplomacia australiana, Alexander Downer, negou haver provas de envolvimento externo na violência registada em Díli. "Não há provas de envolvimento externo. Trata-se de violência doméstica e todos os sinais que temos referem-se à actividade de bandos armados. Ainda estamos a tentar perceber quem está por detrás disso, mas se dizem que é a Indonésia, a resposta é claramente não", enfatizou Alexander Downer. "A Indonésia, tal como a Austrália, não quer desestabilizar Timor-Leste", concluiu."(...)3 - E ontem, segundo a Lusa: “O comandante das forças australianas em Timor-Leste afirmou hoje que há indícios de que alguma da violência em Díli "está a ser coordenada nos bastidores", sem contudo referir quem está a fazer essa coordenação. "Houve um elemento de violência oportunista, mas também há indícios claros de que algumas dessas acções foram coordenadas nos bastidores", disse o brigadeiro Mick Slater à imprensa. (…)”.4 – É bom que a malta se lembre que ontem mesmo Mr. Slater esteve reunido com o Reigadas. O homem sabe do que fala e a quem está a proteger…
Sábado, Junho 03, 2006 10:51:25 PM

Anonymous said...
DILI, TIMOR LESTE 4 DE JUNHO 2010 CHEGARAM FINALMENTE A BAUCAU OS 120 GNR'S QUE DEIXARAM "FIGO MADURO'EM PREPARACAO PARA O CAMPEONATO DO MUNDO DA ALEMANHA 2006. FORAM RECEBIDOS NO AEROPORTO PELO PRESIDENTE XANANA JUNIOR E PELO 1.PRIMEIRO MINISTROMAU LEKE PORREIRO DA COSTA.AS TROPAS SERAO TRANSPORTADAS PARA DILI NO VAIVEM ESPACIAL OFERECIDO POR FIDEL DE CASTRO. EM DILI SERAO HOSPEDADOS NO HOTEL COLMERA, PROPRIEDADE DE MARIA CINCO PILHAS, UMA INDUSTRIAL DA AREA. ENTRE OS 120 GNR ENCONTRA-SE PEDROTO JUVENIL, UM GRANDE TREINADOR PORTUGUES QUE IRA TREINAR O FAMOSO CLUB DE FUTEBOL "LOROSAE ET UNOS LOROMONO". HAVERA NESSE DIA MISSA NA CATEDRAL DE FATUMETA REZADA PELO BISPO D. APOLINARIO GUTERRES(AMO DIAK KA LAI?)UM ABRACOMAU DICK
Sábado, Junho 03, 2006 10:55:19 PM

chrys chrystello said...
Tabe kolega no belun sira INL nian: ami hatutan ami-nia resposta ba atake ida kontra polítika linguístika Timór Lorosa’e nian ne’ebé foin mosu iha imprensa Austrália.Caros colegas e amigos do INL, anexamos cópia da nossa resposta ao ataque mais recente contra a política linguística de Timor-Leste a aparecer na imprensa australiana.Dear colleagues and friends of the INL, we attach a copy of our reply to the most recent attack on the East Timor language policy to appear in the Australian press.Chers collègues et amis de l’INL, nous joignons copie de notre réponse à la plus récente attaque contre la politique linguistique de Timor Est à apparaître dans la presse australienne.INSTITUTO NACIONAL DE LINGUÍSTICA, Díli, Timor-LesteA COMMENTARY FROM THE INSTITUTO NACIONAL DE LINGUÍSTICA, DÍLIEast Timor: a pseudo-nationaccording to Dr George Quinn(original articles below)Dr George Quinn, today an employee of the Australian National University, was predicting in early 1999 that East Timor would never separate from the Republic of Indonesia. Like so many other long-time apologists of Indonesian influence in our country, Quinn was not thrilled when the majority of the East Timorese people voted for independence. Seven years later the good doctor is finding it hard to resist the temptation to gloat over the current troubles in Dili, judging from the charming preface to his propaganda piece in The Sydney Morning Herald(2.6.06)[1]. With its trinity of rhetorical questions this passage reads as if it was intended more to belittle the East Timorese people than to warn innocent Australians of the perils of associating with us:If YOU [emphasis in text] had a tourism business would you invest in East Timor? If you were providing support services for oil rigs in the Timor Sea would you base them in East Timor? If you were scouting for a model to be copied in the Solomon Islands, would you choose East Timor?George Quinn has built an academic career on studying and teaching theIndonesian and Javanese languages. Having associated himself with East Timorese individuals collaborating with the Suharto regime during the occupation, he was one of those Australians who was mortified when East Timor “grabbed” independence during a fleeting moment of Indonesian weakness in 1999. In a democracy like Australia there is nothing wrong with all this, of course. Dr Quinn is entitled to love Indonesia and to side with her in political matters, just as he hasevery right to despise East Timor for not being what he would like it to be.So Quinn’s sour reaction to our achievement of self-determination, like hissanctimonious commentaries on our present difficulties, is perfectlyunderstandable. What we in East Timor deplore is not Dr Quinn’s right to free thought, but his commitment to spreading views about our country that are subjective rather than grounded in objective facts. It is against this background that one must evaluate tendentious statements about East Timor made by a scholar who, in the professional world, is a committed Indonesianist. Although no expert on East Timorese linguistics, ethnology or history, Quinn is nevertheless informedenough about life in East Timor to be able to manipulate facts so as to give his readers a skewed and falsified picture of realities he finds unpalatable.Aware that the one characteristic of the East Timorese population that sets it apart from the surrounding peoples of Eastern Indonesia is their Portuguese heritage, Dr Quinn tries to demonstrate our ‘Indonesian’ identity by suppressing the vital information that Portuguese influences have thoroughly and irreversibly transformed our 16 languages (bristling not only with Portuguese loanwords but with Portuguese ‚calques™ or loan translations), our music, our customs, our religion, our modes of thought and, above all, our higher culture. Instead Quinn pursues the red-herring line that “the grassroots lifestyle” of “the neighbouring regions of Indonesia... is remarkably similar to that of EastTimor.” Any first-year student of anthropology could add that basic material culture is pretty uniform all over the Third World. Material poverty has a surprisingly common face, whether it be in Mali, Nicaragua, Burma or .... East Timor.Now the question of higher culture, mischievously distorted by Dr Quinn, is an extremely important one. Quinn is worldly-wise enough to know that social elites set the tone for national identity in every country. He would therefore not be surprised to find a French-speaking elite in Senegal, an English-speaking elite in Zimbabwe, or a Portuguese-speaking elite in Mozambique. Nor would he be astounded to discover that only a minority of Senegalese, Zimbabweans or Mozambicans have ever “widely mastered” the official language. This is simply the way of the Third World, as George Quinn knows perfectly well. There is reason to doubt, too, that he would describe the imposition of official and colonial English on the dispossessed aboriginal nations of Australia as “a bizarre project”.Indeed, in all Quinn’s musings on East Timor, it is what he does not say - the facts that he strategically suppresses - that is significant. He claims, for example, that “class divisions” are “exacerbated by the attempt to impose Portuguese, the language of the elite, on an overwhelmingly non-Portuguese speaking populace.” What he does not mention is the all-important fact that Tetum - accessible to all and now well developed and resourced - is the first official language of the state, which guarantees that no-one is prejudiced by not fully mastering Portuguese (a language which all Tetum-speakers partly understand in any case). He is silent, too, about the fact that Tetum, not Portuguese, dominates as a spoken medium in the Church, in schools, throughout the East Timorese civil service, and in the parliament itself. So much for Portuguese as a factor of exclusion. We have, in the propagandist writings of George Quinn, an unambiguous case of politically-motivated double standards. He takes universals of the East Timorese reality and attempts to turn them into particulars. If grass is green all over the world, it is futile trying to convince anyone that grass grows pink in the island of Timor. This may be a feeble mode of argument, but it is grist to the mill of those in Australia who seek to destroy our national identity.Given the heroic and humanitarian role of the Catholic Church in East Timor, it is regrettable that Dr Quinn chooses to distort its identity as well, making the odious insinuation that “even the Catholic Church is very far from the comfortingly solid institution it is represented to be”. Projecting onto our society the social milieu of bourgeois Australian Catholics, most of whom now ignore the teachings and precepts of their church, Quinn makes the preposterous claim that there exists inEast Timor “a division between “secular” Catholics and the more fervent, orthodox church establishment.”[2] Anyone familiar with the Church scene in East Timor knows that “secular Catholics” are a species as rare as hen’s teeth in the island.Quinn really clutches at straws when he resorts to such “proofs” of East Timor alleged lack of natural unity as the one that “there are class divisions, tools, as if differences between social classes were something unique to our country. Since when do class differences - evident in every nation on earth - constitute proof that a nation is not “naturally coherent” and hence does not really exist? Perhaps he is judging our country by the myth of Australia being a classless society, an old chestnut that no sociologist takes seriously. However, we daresay that if a gaggle of unemployed proletarian teenagers with hotted-up motors and a predilection for amplified rap music moved into the house next to Dr Quinn’s, disturbing diluculations dedicated to exploding the “myths of East Timor”, he would quickly discover that class differences can be notable in egalitarian Australia as well. We trust that the good doctor would not fail to acknowledge his new neighbours as fellow Aussies.On ne dément que ce qui est vrai is the apt French way of saying that the truth hurts. The stumbling block for George Quinn and those who think like him is that the “myth .... that East Timor is a naturally coherent nation” is in fact a reality.There can be little doubt that he is intelligent enough a man to know this to be 2 true, which alone would explain the desperate tone of his plea and the constant resort to petitio principii in his style of argument.Quinn’s tip for the punters among his poorly-served readers is that East Timor is going to become “Australia’ Haiti”, though he qualifies his statement with the magnanimous adverbial “not yet”. The model for thought about Australian foreign relations is (surprise, surprise) the United States. So East Timor may become to Australia what Haiti has become to the United States since 1915. Maybe. For someone trying to discredit the Portuguese language in East Timor it is, however, a rather unfortunate analogy: the bulk of the Haitian population cannot speak French, which has nevertheless always been, and will continue to be, the unassailable official language of Haiti, just as an East Timor without Portuguese as an official language is unimaginable.... unless of course the country were toreturn to Indonesian rule (George Quinn’s apparent wish) or to become a colonyof Australia. In both scenarios the destruction of all things Portuguese would be absolutely de rigueur, a fact that clearly has not escaped Dr George Quinn..DOCUMENTS1. Sydney Morning Herald, 2.6.06We must cast aside the myths of our troubled neighbour or face an even worse result, writes George Quinn.The legacy of Australian decisionsis meltdown in TimorIF YOU had a tourism business would you invest in East Timor? If you were providing support services for oil rigs in the Timor Sea would you base them in East Timor? Ifyou were scouting for a model to be copied in the Solomon Islands, would youchoose East Timor?As an economy and a nation East Timor is back to square one. It faces a hugenation-building task.The chaos there is partly an outcome of several powerful myths that have obscuredthe reality of the country and duped its international supporters, even its ownleaders. Myths that, for the good of East Timor, we need to dump from our thinking.First, that East Timor is a naturally coherent nation. We are now seeing how falsethis is.Ethnic divisions have become a conflict between east and west, but rivalries aremuch more complex and reach back far into Timor's past. There are class divisions,too, exacerbated by the attempt to impose Portuguese, the language of the elite, on an overwhelmingly non-Portuguese-speaking populace. Even the Catholic Church is very far from the comfortingly solid institution it is represented to be.Second, East Timor has a primordially distinct identity different from that ofIndonesia. Like East Timor, the neighbouring regions of Indonesia are mostlyChristian and their grassroots lifestyle is remarkably similar to that of East Timor.East Timor's indigenous national language, Tetum, has more native speakers inIndonesian West Timor than in East Timor. The people of the Oecussi enclave speakthe same language, Dawan, as the people across the border in Indonesia.Today, thousands of East Timorese live in Indonesia and seem to have little difficulty merging into life as Indonesians..Third, East Timor's Falintil guerrillas won a great victory over the forces of Indonesia.Under the weak president B.J. Habibie, and distracted by a devastating economiccrisis, Indonesia capitulated to international pressure and permitted a referendum in East Timor in 1999.Although in moral terms it might have been the right thing to do, in realpolitik terms it was a fleeting moment of Indonesian weakness rather than East Timoresestrength, and East Timor's nationalists grabbed it.At any other time Indonesia and East Timor's secessionists would have hammeredout a resolution of their differences such as has been worked out in Aceh, and EastTimor would have remained part of Indonesia.It is a sense of privilege fuelled by this myth that has impelled some officers in theEast Timor Defence Force (the "easterners") to discriminate against Indonesia-tainted fellow soldiers (the "westerners").This hubris is also a factor in the army's hostility to the nation's police force and itsrapid, brutal disintegration at the hands of the army. The very last thing East Timorneeds, whether now or in the long term, is an army with domestic policing functionsand political ambitions that is high on its sense of special status.And, finally that Australia has been East Timor's "saviour". This may be the biggestcanard of all.True, Australian troops dampened the mayhem of 1999 and they are doing the same job again now. But East Timor has not been "saved". On the contrary, our country's peacekeeping accomplishments have been set at nought, even sabotaged, by the dopey decisions of politicians.Australia's early exit from East Timor after independence might have pleasedgovernment accountants but was predictably counterproductive in the long run.Australia did nothing to persuade the UN to stay longer in East Timor despite pleasfrom the East Timorese Government.Australia had a significant role in training East Timor's police force, but thedisintegration of the police over recent days suggests the training role was not donewell and, at the very least, should have lasted longer and been better resourced.Australia also took a hard-nosed approach to negotiations over oil in the Timor Sea,insisting on a boundary close to the East Timor coast (rather than midway betweenthe two countries) that allowed it to gobble up resources more justly belonging tothe East Timorese. This, too, will turn out to be destructive in the long term.East Timor is not yet Australia's Haiti, but unless lessons are learnt and myths castaside, it could become so. There are signs that, in dealing with the Papua issue, theGovernment may have learned from its involvement in East Timor.But many in Australia still haven't, and are busy transferring the myths of East Timorto Papua. If the Government listens to them it could portend more poor decisions..7George Quinn heads the South-East Asia Centre in the College of Asia and thePacific, Australian National University.2. Canberra Times, 27.5.06Divisions in Timorese society are far from newGeorge QuinnOn its independence day almost exactly four years ago, the people of East Timorseemed literally to be singing on the same page. The independence movement hadgrabbed a massive win in the referendum of 1999. Indonesia's sour response andthe brutality of its militias had been a gift to the new country's sense of solidarity.Under the UNTAET administration, the transition to full independence had gonequickly and smoothly. A kind of euphoria gripped East Timor, spreading its warmthto the nation's many international well- wishers.But contrary to popular perception, East Timor was not, and is not, a naturallycoherent nation with a primordially distinct identity. The euphoria of independenceallowed politicians to turn a blind eye to the many divisions, or at best to paper them over with flimsy rhetoric.Unfortunately East Timor's well-intentioned international supporters seemed happyto swallow the myth of East Timor's unity -- hook, line and sinker. From deep withinthis myth there are already voices, unwilling to face reality, asking whether thecurrent mayhem has been inflicted on East Timor by outside provocateurs (read:Indonesia).So what are the main fractures in the foundations of East Timorese society?Ethnic divisionsA gap has opened up between those in the west (adjacent to the border withIndonesian West Timor) and those in the east.In the East Timor Defence Force, officers with origins in the east of the country have given themselves superior nationalist and military credentials, discriminating against soldiers from the Indonesia-tainted west. This division has infected the unemployed and angry youth of Dili, where east-oriented and west- oriented gangs are now fighting it out..LanguageEast Timor's political elite is dominated by speakers of Portuguese, but they are asmall minority. Portuguese was never widely mastered in East Timor, even duringPortuguese colonial times, yet now the country's leaders are making an attempt toforce the language on to a largely indifferent, even hostile, majority.This bizarre project is going to take many years to complete (if it can be done at all) and in the meantime those who don't speak Portuguese are feeling increasinglydisconnected from their country's political and administrative elite.ClassEast Timor's four years of independence have allowed the emergence of a tiny butvery powerful class of newly-rich. Outside their villas, the dirt-poor scratch a living in what is easily Asia's poorest nation.Many of the very rich are of mixed Timorese and European ancestry, people whocollected their business capital during years of residence abroad (including inAustralia) while the majority of East Timorese suffered under Indonesian rule.Naturally, this racial and historical difference does nothing to endear the wealthy tothe impoverished masses.Catholic ChurchThe Catholic Church is probably the most important institution for the maintenanceof stability and social solidarity in the country. Yet the Church too is riven by division.In the first place, there is a division between "secular" Catholics and the morefervent, orthodox church establishment.The two sides have clashed on issues as diverse as family planning (East Timor has a birth rate far above the economy's rate of growth) and the teaching of religion inschools.Beyond this, to the horror of the Church's hierarchy, the rural masses practise forms of Catholicism that are entwined with indigenous animist beliefs. These are giving rise to some wacky messianic movements, such as Colimau 2000, whose members (all Catholics) believe that some of East Timor's dead resistance leaders will return to life and lead them to a new age of prosperity and justice.Colimau 2000 thrives in some parts of the nation's west, and has been linked bysome with the disaffected "rebels" of East Timor's western region.On East Timor's Independence Day in 2002, I wrote in The Canberra Times "whenthe party is over and the euphoria has vanished, the new nation will find somemenacing guests in its front room: economic crisis, political turbulence and confused identity".These guests haven't gone away and they are now wreaking havoc. As Australiantroops fan out into the wild streets of Dili, we can best support them by refusing toallow the shallow, romantic myth of East Timor's special identity and its primordialunity to blur our vision of what we are dealing with.[George Quinn heads the South-East Asia Centre, Faculty of Asian Studies, in ANU's College of Asia and the Pacific. Email: george.quinn@anu.edu.au
The legacy of Australian decisions is meltdown in Timor[2] Divisions in Timorese society are far from new, Canberra Times, May 27, 2006..4Chrys CHRYSTELLO, An Australian in the AZORES/UM Australiano nos Açores, Portugal –chryschrystello@journalist.com I choose Polesoft Lockspam to fight spam, and you?http://www.polesoft.com/refer.html
Domingo, Junho 04, 2006 12:32:43 AM