Jailed E Timor rebels hiding the truth

The Australian:
Jailed E Timor rebels hiding the truth
Paul Toohey August 18, 2008

INSIDE the Hotel Becora, as they call Dili's prison, some of the 22 men who face spending the rest of their lives behind bars for the attempted murders of East Timor's President Jose Ramos Horta and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao are starting to talk.

The Australian has obtained the first accounts from rebels inside Becora. None of them admits to shooting the President, even though Mr Ramos Horta had identified Marcelo Caeteno as his attacker.

The rebels, who spent weeks on the run before surrendering, had plenty of time to work on their story. Because they are all condemned by the deed, they all deny it. They admit one group went to the President's compound and another went to the Prime Minister's house but say, no, they never shot nor ambushed anyone.

Many East Timorese believe the whole thing was a set-up; that rebel leader Alfredo Reinado was invited down to Dili to be killed, to end the two-year stand-off in which he and his rebel band remained armed and roaming the hills in the country's west.

The Australian revealed last week that autopsy reports showed Reinado and fellow rebel Leopoldino Exposto were shot dead at almost point-blank range inside Mr Ramos Horta's villa.

The shootings had the hallmarks of executions, causing the main opposition party, Fretilin, to demand an international investigation into the events of February 11.

"What The Australian has reported reinforces our calls," Fretilin MP Jose Teixeira said. "It cannot be ignored any longer."

If the authorities have anything to hide, so do the rebels, who are protecting themselves and a hazy political group called MUNJ, or the Movement for National Unity and Justice, whose members spent the day before the shootings with the rebels and had supplied vehicles that were used to drive down to Dili.

On that morning, Reinado's second-in-command, Lieutenant Gastao Salsinha, positioned a second group of men in ambush below the Prime Minister's house. Some of Salsinha's group have admitted to firing shots in the air, but none has confessed to firing into Mr Gusmao's vehicle, which was reportedly hit by six bullets fired from four directions.

The rebels were part of a larger group of about 600 Western-born soldiers or military police who abandoned barracks in early 2006, claiming there was discrimination in the army leading to eastern-born soldiers being favoured for promotions.

The dispute took the country close to civil war.

The interviews with the rebels inside Becora, conducted by someone who must remain anonymous, are with key rebels Amaro Suarez da Costa, better known as Susar, and Gilberto Suni Mota, and Egidio Lay, who were part of the group that went to Mr Ramos Horta's home.

Susar was the first rebel to surrender after 19 days on the run. He says he was sleeping in a shack a few kilometres away from Reinado's mountain hideaway at Luala, in the western district of Ermera, when Reinado woke him at 3.30am.

"Suddenly, the major, he came to get me in my house," Susar says. "He just said to me, 'We're going to Dili. The President called us to talk'."

Twelve men went with Reinado in two cars, while 10 were with Salsinha in another two cars.

Susar says: "When we left Luala we drove really slow, because the meeting was at 6am. The idea was for us to go there, meet at 6am, talk, talk, talk, then go back to Ermera."

Susar says Reinado stalled for time so as not to be too early to the meeting.

Upon arrival, at 6am, they found two guards at the President's gate.

"When we got out of the vehicle, (guard) Kelimut started to arm his weapon," Susar says. "I started to think: 'What's going on? We came to meet the President and the security is acting in this manner.' So the major said: 'Calm down, calm down'. Major said: '(Where's) The President?'

"Kelimut said: 'Oh, the President's gone to exercise'."

Susar says he stood by the gate, apparently preventing those guards from raising the alarm while Reinado, Leopoldino, Lay and Suni Mota went in.

Susar claims the men were not wearing balaclavas, which is at odds with the accounts of the presidential guard.

Susar admits that two of the rebels - he does not say who - returned from inside the compound having taken a machinegun and an automatic rifle from apparently sleeping guards.

Susar says he never stepped inside the compound. "No. I didn't even ... go slightly in. My weapon, it was pointed down. We didn't go for a shootout. If we went there for a shootout, obviously I wouldn't come."

It was not until Susar heard shots that he loaded his weapon.

So how many minutes from when you arrived at the gate till when you heard the shots, from when the car parked till the major died, he is asked.

"Five minutes, maybe less," he says. "It didn't even get to five minutes. I can tell you it was really fast."

Was there an exchange of fire after Reinado was shot? "We never shot at anybody," Susar says.

"We retreated. I only shot up, as warning shots. Because if we just waited there, the Australian forces and the tanks would've closed all the ways. We didn't go there to shoot. I had to shoot up, to warn the boys to get out. They were shooting at us."

Did he see Ramos Horta returning? "I didn't even see his holy spirit. Never," Susar says.
Susar says he cannot explain how the tragedy happened.

"I don't know," he says. "It was the major. We came because of him. And then he died."

Suni Mota's and Lay's accounts of the morning of the shootings are similar: they say Reinado was shot inside the President's home, after which they ran like crazy, not looking back. They say they don't know who shot the President.

Suni Mota and Lay were with Reinado on February 10. Both men insist no MUNJ representative was with Reinado the day before the attacks. They focus on a visit from Reinado's lover, Australian-East Timorese citizen Angelita Pires, who has been blamed by Mr Ramos Horta and the prosecutor-general for influencing the events of February 11.

Ms Pires brought four people with her to Reinado's on the day before the shooting: her Australian-Timorese friends, Teresa and Victor de Sousa, and their small son; and an older woman, Eliza Morato, who had arrived from Australia with greetings for Reinado from his relatives. Ms Morato took photos of Reinado and his group, which now form part of the investigation case.

When shown one of Ms Morato's photos, both Suni Mota and Lay identify a MUNJ representative, Cancio Pereira, standing with Reinado and the rebels.

MUNJ had acted as the negotiator between Reinado and Mr Ramos Horta, who was attempting to solve the standoff. MUNJ was pro-Reinado, and on January 7, resigned from a taskforce set up to deal with Reinado, claiming the Government was not showing sufficient will to end the crisis.

As the interviews reveal, MUNJ was indeed there, which raises questions as to whether it played a role in influencing Reinado to go to Dili.

No MUNJ member has been charged over the shootings, though Mr Pereira and fellow MUNJ member Lucas Soares have been questioned and have had their passports confiscated.

MUNJ co-ordinator Augusto Junior Trinidade declined to speak to The Australian.

FRETILIN, opposition parties and some AMP MPs join forces to increase budget allocation for poverty stricken veterans

FRENTE REVOLUCIONÁRIA DO TIMOR-LESTE INDEPENDENTE
FRETILIN
Media Release
August 18, 2008


FRETILIN, KOTA-PPT, PUN, ASDT and other AMP MPs joined forces to amend the budget presented by the Gusmao de facto Government, to immediately start paying the liberation war veterans' pensions, at a cost of US$20 million. "Our proposal succeeded despite strong opposition by de facto Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao and Finance Minister Emilia Pires to the very end," said Josefa Soares Pereira, FRETILIN Parliamentary Party Secretary and MP.

Soares and FRETILIN MP Osorio Florindo put forward the proposal during the budget debate which ended on 31 July 2008, in the Timor-Leste National Parliament, because the government could not explain why veterans were going to be made to wait a further six months or more for payment of their much needed pensions.

"It seemed to us unjust and unnecessary for the government to continue to deny these impoverished veterans their pensions, when they have been quite prepared to make a priority of special payments to deserters from the defence force. These veterans in contrast sacrificed themselves and their families so that we can have the freedom and sovereign nation we have today," she said.

In 2006 the FRETILIN dominated parliament passed a law establishing the criteria and mechanism to determine payment of pensions to veterans and their families, but the collection and verification of data as to who is a veteran was the task of three commissions established since 2002 under the auspices of then president Xanana Gusmao. The then President continued to insist that there was insufficient verification for the database compiled by the commissions to be used as the basis for commencing payment of pensions to veterans.

"It was a source of frustration for us who have tried to promote the cause of the veterans, that there was this constant proposition coming from the then president, now de facto Prime Minister, that the database was not ready. Yet in late 2006 and in the first half of 2007, before the parliamentary elections it was good enough to use the database to award around 17,000 medals of honor to veterans and their survivors. This issue was politicized by political figures in the campaign, including Mr Gusmao, and FRETILIN was painted as neglectful and mean for not paying the veterans," added Soares.

"But when it comes to an outrageously high spending budget on largesse such as luxury cars for MPs, overseas travel for Ministers and others in government, rehabilitation of homes for ministers and others, they forget about the veterans and keep saying the database needs to be fixed. We don't accept that anymore and are happy that the majority of the parliament agreed with us. Now it is a matter for the government to cut out the fat it has for travel, entertainment and other luxuries to make sure the veterans are paid," Soares stressed.

To date only 238 or so veterans have received any payments whatsoever, with a tens of thousands still awaiting any payment, whilst living in extreme poverty. The FRETILIN government's attempts to pay the veterans in the time prior to the elections in 2007 were also met with a dead end response from the veterans commission, which was under the control of Mr Gusmao.

"We do not want any more excuses from Mr Gusmao and Mr Virgilio Simith, the Secretary of State who is the chair of the veterans commissions. They have had five years to come up with the numbers for the veterans. They have done a poor job and we need to have an investigation into the numerous complaints that have been made by both veterans and development partners who gave millions of dollars towards the process. Mr Gusmao and Mr Simith have to be held responsible.

"We insist on this, but most of all, it's the Veterans, including MPs who are veterans and supported our proposal for amendment, who spoke out in these terms. It's time to act. The government must act or be held further responsible for the neglect of the veterans, for which Mr Gusmao and his appointees must carry their share of the responsibility," Soares said in closing.

The budget which was rammed through by the AMP de facto government is currently the subject of a constitutional appeal by FRETILIN, and is awaiting promulgation by President Jose Ramos-Horta who has held back from proclaiming it subject to the court's decision. FRETILIN MPs believe that one of the few areas warranting a revision was in the case of the additional US$20 million, which can be accommodated in the revised budget, by cutting extravagant and wasteful items, and without any need to withdraw in excess of the sustainable income set by the Petroleum Fund Law rules.

For more info, contact Jose Teixeira: +61 438 114 960 (Australia), +670 728 7080 (Dili, Timor-Leste)

É TUDO UMA QUESTÃO DE APRENDERMOS

In Blog Timor Lorosae Nação:

Segunda-feira, 18 de Agosto de 2008
É TUDO UMA QUESTÃO DE APRENDERMOS
Por KLAUDIO BEREK

ABENÇOADO TIMORENSE EMIGRADO

Os comentários, a face oculta dos blogues que se abre com um clique e nos pode mostrar uma vastidão de opiniões sobre o artigo correspondente ou divagações que às vezes nos conseguem baralhar ou até indispor.

Mas os comentários também podem trazer-nos muita coisa boa, principalmente quando são postados por gente honesta, simples, objectiva, que fazem lembrar a quase totalidade dos timorenses de há mais de um quarto de século.
É o caso do exemplo que se segue, assinado por um timorense emigrado em Inglaterra, que sacrificou o seu “canudo” de um curso universitário para ganhar para si e para a família em Timor e assim proporcionar uma melhor instrução e educação aos seus irmãos na longínqua Pátria. Um sacrifício que gostaríamos imenso de saber que foi compensado. Uma opção de alguém muito grande em tudo, mas principalmente nos laços consanguíneos e no patriotismo.

Um timorense garboso e exemplar.

TIMORENSE EMIGRADO - comentário na mensagem "O ARROZ E O CIRCO EM TIMOR-LESTE ":



Sou um dos timorenses enviados para Portugal para estudar. Em Portugal aprendi a falar e a escrever em português.

Ao fim de três anos o meu português já estava em condições de me servir dele para tirar um curso superior, mas, em vez disso vim para a Inglaterra atrás dos meus conterrâneos porque a bolsa que o governo me dava não era suficiente para fazer uma vida normal de estudante.

O trabalho aqui é duro mas ganho bom dinheiro, que dá para mim e para mandar para os meus familiares que ficaram em Timor-Leste.
Os meus irmãos estão a estudar com o dinheiro que lhes mando mensalmente. Eles vão poder ser futuros líderes do meu país.

Não estou a adquirir grandes conhecimentos mas quero voltar para a minha terra e ser alguém lá.

Através deste "blog" sei que há uma grande discussão sobre quem é melhor, o Governo da FRETILIN ou o Governo da AMP.

Estou muito confuso, por isso eu peço aos entendidos que escrevem neste blog para me dizerem qual é a diferença verdadeira entre esses dois governos.Podem fazer-me esse favor? Eu agradeço do coração. - Timorense Emigrado

QUEM AGRADECE SOMOS NÓS

“Podem fazer-me esse favor? Eu agradeço do coração.”
Somos nós, TLN, que temos de agradecer do fundo dos nossos corações pela franqueza e pela postura deste nosso querido amigo. Agradecemos ainda pela forma como nos sensibilizou com a sua presença tão humana em prosa tão curta num simples comentário.
Muito obrigado por ser como é.

Quanto ao favor que nos pede afirmamos, sem favor, que não sabemos dar-lhe a resposta correcta de modo tão taxativo, como parece pretender.

Pergunta-nos “qual é a diferença verdadeira entre esses dois governos” – Fretilin e AMP.

Sabemos as diferenças, na nossa óptica, mas não sabemos tudo sobre as diferenças, ninguém sabe, nem os próprios intervenientes.

As diferenças visíveis entre a Fretilin e a AMP são abissais porque um é um partido representante de determinado número de timorenses, um partido político histórico - que como todos os partidos históricos tem tido altos e baixos - e a AMP que é quase nada, que tanto quanto parece nem existe legalmente, mas que sabemos ser uma agremiação de partidos políticos que se associaram para com os resultados dos seus votos superarem em número o partido timorense mais votado, formando assim uma maioria parlamentar que proporciona suporte ao governo dito da AMP mas que no fundo é mais um governo de Xanana Gusmão e de flutuantes acordos de conveniência nada transparentes e que algumas vezes acusam de serem inconvenientes para os interesses do país.

Estranhamente, para nós, ao contrário daquilo que se passa em países democráticos – onde o partido mais votado é quem governa, como é o caso de Inglaterra – em Timor-Leste o partido mais votado encontra-se na oposição e Timor-Leste é governado por representantes de partidos que obtiveram percentagens muito menores, minorias.

Minorias essas que, qual manta de retalhos, todas juntas superam em número de votos e de deputados a opositora Fretilin.

Em nossa opinião é um exercício de democracia inconcebível, principalmente porque não se apresentou ao eleitorado como AMP, nem sequer a ventilar essa possibilidade. Fica sempre a pergunta que não terá resposta: o que aconteceria se a AMP fosse legal e apresentada à votação nas eleições legislativas passadas?

As circunstâncias de Timor-Leste logo após a independência e actualmente são completamente diferentes. Não existem paralelos que nos permitam comparar e avaliar com fiabilidade as actuações de um e outro governo.
Actualmente, aquilo que nos é proporcionado saber é que Xanana Gusmão partiu para a corrida a primeiro-ministro através de um acto anti-democrático, com destruição, mortos e deslocados à mistura, e que desde 2006 nos tem trazido de surpresa desagradável em surpresa desagradável.

Ao responsável-mor do governo da AMP foi-lhe retirada a definição de herói e muitas outras lhe foram já dadas de forma negativa: golpista, traidor, etc. Ao seu governo e à sua pessoa, enquanto primeiro-ministro, vão sendo colados rótulos de corrupção como o caso do “negócio do arroz” – negócio realmente muito suspeito e com todos os contornos de corrupção.

Suspeito é, também, para muitos, em Timor-Leste e noutros países, sobre o 11 de Fevereiro e a morte de Alfredo Reinado – que agora se sabe ter sido executado – aventando-se ainda a possibilidade de o seu atentado em Balibar ter sido forjado e não mais representar que um “golpe de teatro”, para não referir suspeições no atentado ao presidente Ramos Horta.
Por favor, com estas evidências e tantas suspeitas quem é que quer um primeiro-ministro de um governo arquitectado sobre pressão… ou chantagem.

Repare-se que quando se fala em AMP, governo AMP, vai-se direitinho a Xanana, portanto quase se pode dizer que a AMP não existe, ou melhor, aparenta existir para dar cobertura e suporte a Xanana Gusmão e à sua democracia mascarada, da qual José Ramos Horta é cúmplice, presumivelmente chantageado.

A Fretilin será melhor, governaria melhor?

Na política, como em muitas outras circunstâncias, não podemos meter as mãos no fogo. Nem pensar nisso.

Aquilo que se pode concluir é que, comparativamente, a Fretilin, ou Mari Alkatiri, seu eleito responsável máximo, não derrubaram governo com golpe de Estado, nem com violência, mortos e desalojados às centenas de milhares.

Na anterior governação da Fretilin, limitada como estava, foi mostrado o inequívoco exercício da defesa da independência do país face aos interesses sobre o Mar de Timor e de outros mais que foram negociados. Aliás, o seu derrube, o derrube daquele governo legítimo, teve por objectivo facilitar aos interesses económicos estrangeiros apoderarem-se de Timor-Leste. Xanana Gusmão é quem acusam de lhes “abrir a porta”. Tudo indica que é isso que temos visto e continuaremos ver… se continuar no cargo de primeiro-ministro e super-ministro dos petróleos e da defesa – tem Timor nas mãos.

A Fretilin é melhor?

Pelo menos não fez tanta “nojeira política” em tão pouco tempo e herdou um país destruído, sem infraestruturas. Aliás, foi derrubada inconstitucionalmente, pela força, pela chantagem política e de perda de vidas, de casas e pequenos negócios, entre outras malfeitorias que aterrorizaram as populações e que estão sempre na ordem do dia como ameaça latente, como se viu há poucos dias na chantagem usada por Xanana para que o Presidente da República assinasse a aprovação de um orçamento composto por parte de um Orçamento Rectificativo deslumbrante que o Tribunal de Recurso deve decidir da sua inconstitucionalidade ou não e que está relacionado com o “negócio do arroz” em que estão envolvidas personalidades que aos timorenses merecem sérias reservas, mas que são do circulo de amizades do primeiro-ministro.

Foi uma resposta longa que não desejo que influencie quem quer que seja sem que antes constate sobre a veracidade dos argumentos, porque é assim que os interpreto.

Esta exposição teve um mérito para mim. Acabei por entender bem melhor porque combato a governação de Xanana Gusmão e os seus métodos de se livrar dos opositores.

Ver sobre esta perspectiva, para mim, é muito mais importante do que neste momento analisar a anterior governação Fretilin, ou fazer vatícinios, porque as actuais circunstâncias são extremamente diferentes.

Como disse: na política não se deve pôr as mãos no fogo… e muito menos em Timor-Leste.

Ao Timorense Emigrante fico muito grato, desejando tudo que de melhor houver para ele e para os seus familiares, fique ou não de acordo com aquilo que opino e exponho com sinceridade e tolerância pelos que comigo discordam e possam contribuir para um melhor esclarecimento, democraticamente.

É tudo uma questão de aprendermos.

Pequim2008: Timor Leste - Inexperiente Mariana Ximénes desiste na maratona

** Rui Barbosa Batista, Agência Lusa **

Pequim, 17 Ago (Lusa) – Apenas um mês de treino resultou no previsível abandono da timorense Mariana Dias Ximénes na exigente prova da maratona dos Jogos Olímpicos, na qual participou a convite do Comité Olímpico Internacional, no âmbito do programa de solidariedade olímpica.

“Pensava que vinha fazer os 10.000 metros. Só treinei um mês para a maratona, por isso foi muito difícil para mim. Tentei acabar a prova, mas não deu. Doíam-me os pés”, contou a atleta, que pediu “muita desculpa ao povo de Timor Leste e ao presidente por ter desistido”.

Mariana Dias Ximénes chegou a Pequim2008 com apenas uma experiência na prova de 42.195 quilómetros, com uma marca na casa das 2:59 horas, quando o recorde do Mundo, da britânica Paula Radcliffe, é de 2:15.25.

Durante o mês de preparação Mariana treinou duas horas de manhã e outra à tarde.

A atleta de 24 anos, que estuda gestão bancária em Bali, Indonésia, onde vive com os pais, está “muito feliz” por ter representado Timor Leste nos Jogos Olímpicos – é acompanhada por Augusto Soares, também maratonista – lembrando que quer “o melhor” para o seu país.

Para futuro, revelou um desejo surpreendente: “Gostava que em Timor pudéssemos ter um estádio como este (“Ninho do Pássaro”), mas não sei quando (será possível)”.

RBA.
Lusa/fim.

E Timor urged to investigate assassination 'execution' claims

ABC News today
15.08.2008

Posted 2 hours 4 minutes ago

East Timor's main opposition party, Fretilin, is calling for an independent international investigation into the assassination attempt on the country's leadership in February.

The call comes after the autopsy report of rebel leader Alfredo Reinado indicated that he was executed rather than shot from a distance by security forces during the presidential assassination attempt.

The report obtained by The Australian newspaper shows Reinado and one of his top rebels were shot at point blank range.

Senior Fretilin MP Jose Texeira told Radio Australia's Asia Pacific program there were more questions than answers surrounding the events of February 11.

He said there should be an international panel investigating the attack on East Timor's President and Prime Minister.

"We need an international investigation in order to overcome all of these questions of impartiality of all those involved in an investigation," he said.

"I think people are looking forward to justice and a credible process to take its course, and I think that for allegations as startling as this to come out is a concern to us all.

"The Parliament has provided an indicator to the Government that it should be an international investigation.

"As long as political leaders figures maintain level heads and insist on a transparent and independent investigation I think that could minimise any political tensions."

Questions continue six months after Reinado's death

also East Timor rebel leader may have been executed: report

Questions continue six months after Reinado's death
By Stephanie March

DILI, Aug 13 AAP - Six months ago Victor Alvez's voice rang out through radios and televisions, appealing for peace and calm from the people of East Timor.

He had just buried his son-in-law, Alfredo Reinado, in the front yard of a home down Dili's back streets, next to the body of Leopoldinio Exposto, who was also shot and killed at the home of President Jose Ramos Horta by military guards.

His calls were prompted by fears of a violent backlash by supporters of the former soldier turned fugitive rebel.

To many people's surprise, the streets of Dili remained calm.

Today, down that dusty backstreet, the sun filters through the vines covering an archway over the two graves, lighting up the dozens of bright plastic flowers left by family and friends over the past week.

The streets of Dili may have remained quiet over the past six months, but Victor Alvez's life is far from peaceful.

"I am so sad; I will never stop thinking of him," he said.

"It's the same for his friends and family - even after six months these feelings remain so strongly."

Alvez has always professed his son-in-law's innocence against allegations he had plotted to kill or kidnap the president.

His spirits have been lifted by a report in The Australian newspaper that top forensic scientists say it was possible Reinado was executed at close range, confirming suspicions he was lured down from his mountain hideout to the president's home.

"If he wanted to kill Horta, he could have done that on February in Maliana when they had a meeting, why he not kill him there?," Alvez said.

"He is trained military; it is easy for him to kill. If he went there to kill people all of Horta's guards would be dead."

Alvez says he has been receiving anonymous phone calls from people who say they witnessed the shooting, and who also believe Reinado was lured into a trap.

But despite the ongoing criminal investigation into the events of February 11, he has little faith that those behind the incident will ever be brought to justice.

""We really do not know yet who was behind it, but I know it's because of the politics."

He is not the only one who is having doubts about the investigation.

A detailed report into the shooting by the UN is complete but unreleased, while the criminal investigation by the prosecutor-general has run overtime and is being seriously questioned in Dili.

The UN had refused to release the report into events immediately following the shootings, so as not to interfere with the criminal investigation.

Charged with leading that investigation is prosecutor-general Longuinhos Monteiro, whose credibility is in serious doubt.

A UN report into the violence of 2006 said Monteiro followed blindly the policy of the president who appointed him, Xanana Gusmao, and as a result he did not "function independently from the state of East Timor."

"The man in charge - the prosecutor-general - has already in our eyes proved himself to be anything but politically impartial," said opposition Fretilin MP Jose Teixeira.

Despite the expertise of dozens of international investigators carrying out the prosecutor general's orders, the chance of uncovering what really happened may have already be lost.

There have been allegations Reinado was high on drugs and had been drinking the night before was killed, but sources close to the investigation say toxicological tests may not have been done during the autopsies.

Alvez says his son-in-law was a person who "doesn't like to drink a lot of alcohol," and would only do so if it were culturally necessary on certain social occasions.

A leaked UN report found the National Investigation Department has encountered "political and military interference" as well as a lack of cooperation. Poor handling of evidence - including the weapons used by the rebels - has also botched the investigation.

A source close to the investigation said the F-FDTL soldiers guarding the president's home took Reinado's cell phone off his body, and continued to receive and make calls for days after his death, before handing them over to investigators.

"They could (also) have deleted some numbers, some messages, we don't know," the source told AAP.

The F-FDTL refused to respond to these allegations, and neither the UN report or those involved in the investigation can say if their actions were the result of malfeasance, or innocent mistakes.

While Alvez's heart aches for his lost son-in-law, and has little hope his name will ever be cleared, he himself is steadfast that Reinado was nothing more than an innocent victim of politics.

""My heart says that is not true, but if the decision comes out saying he is guilty, maybe that is the justice in this world, but for me the decision will be made by God and I hope he will give justice."

--------------------------

East Timor rebel leader may have been executed: report

DILI, Aug 13 (AFP) -- East Timor rebel leader Alfredo Reinado may
have been executed rather than killed in a gunbattle during an attack
on President Jose Ramos-Horta, a report said Wednesday.

The Australian newspaper said it had obtained the autopsy reports for
Reinado and fellow rebel Leopoldino Exposto which showed they had
been shot at very close range at the president's house in February.

Exposto was shot once in the direct centre of the back of his head,
typical of an execution-style killing, the paper said.

The findings suggested that the rebels could have been lured down
from their mountain hideout into a trap or had been held before being
shot, The Australian said.

Official reports of the incident say Ramos-Horta was critically
wounded and Reinado was killed during a firefight in an assassination
attempt at the president's compound on the outskirts of Dili.

But forensic pathologist Muhammad Nurul Islam, who conducted the
autopsies, said Reinado and Exposto were killed "at close range" with
a high-velocity rifle, The Australian reported.

Nurul said there were no toxicological testing facilities at the Dili
morgue and that suggestions that Reinado was either drunk or on drugs
could never be confirmed or denied.

Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao's motorcade also came under attack in
Dili on February 11, but he was unhurt, while Ramos-Horta spent weeks
recovering from his wounds in an Australian hospital before returning
to East Timor.

Ramos-Horta won the Nobel peace prize in 1996 for two decades of work
representing the former Portuguese colony later occupied by Indonesia
and last year became its second president since independence in 2002.

------------------------------------------

Joyo Indonesia News Service

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Autópsias revelam que autores dos atentados terão sido executados

Jornal Digital
2008-08-13 11:21:17

Díli - As autópsias aos corpos dos autores do atentado de 11 de Fevereiro contra José Ramos Horta apontam para uma execução à queima-roupa e na nuca, local que teria sido muito difícil de alcançar num tiroteio.

De acordo com o jornal «The Australian», as autópsias ao Major Alfredo Reinado e ao soldado Leopoldino, revelam que os tiros foram disparados a menos de 30 centímetros, uma vez que as feridas no corpo de Reinado apresentam hematomas profundos.Segundo os médicos australianos que praticaram a autópsia, é impossível que as marcas de bala no cadáver de Reinado tenham sido causadas por disparos de soldados a mais de dez metros de distância, como afirma a versão oficial.Estes resultados vêm colocar de lado a teoria de os rebeldes terem sido mortos pelas forças de segurança do Presidente Ramos Horta, aquando da tentativa de assassinato.

Caso se confirme, o assassinato do líder rebelde pode gerar novas tensões no Timor-Leste, que desde que obteve a independência, em 2002, luta para conseguir estabilidade política, que lhe permita concentrar-se no desenvolvimento económico.

Citado pela Rádio Renascença, Mário Carrascalão, líder do PSD-Timorense, não se surpreende com a notícia, pois na sua opinião esta história teve sempre contornos anormais. «Aceito isso com normalidade. Para mim este caso do Major reinado é muito estranho. Não é surpresa para mim ter havido este elemento novo e que venha a haver no futuro outros», afirmou sublinhando que há muitos timorenses que não acreditam que Reinado tentasse assassinar Ramos Horta.

Os factos ainda estão a ser investigados pela Procuradoria Geral do Timor-Leste e por um comité especial das Nações Unidas.

(c) PNN Portuguese News Network

Autópsia a Alfredo Reinado indicia execução na casa do Presidente de Timor-Leste

2008-08-13 16:01:00
Público

Segundo as conclusões do patologista forense que conduziu as autópsias, Muhammad Nurul Islam, citado pelo jornal, Reinado e Exposto foram mortos "a curta distância" com uma arma de alta velocidade.

A versão até agora pública era que Alfredo Reinado, um major de 42 anos com formação na Austrália, que liderava um motim há um ano, e Leopoldino Exposto tinham sido apanhados desprevenidos quando entravam no recinto da residência de Ramos-Horta, a 11 de Fevereiro, e tinham sido mortos por um guarda a uma distância de pelo menos dez a quinze metros.

Mas agora veio saber-se que Exposto foi morto com um tiro no centro da nuca disparado de "muito próximo", o que é típico de uma morte por execução, e que os quatro orifícios de bala no corpo de Reinado apresentavam em seu redor queimaduras e um escurecimento significativo.

Novas dúvidas sobre o que aconteceu

"The Australian" cita ainda um especialista australiano do Instituto de Medicina Forense do estado de Vitória que diz ser consensual e muito claro nesta especialidade que "queimado e escurecimento são característicos de tiros a muito curta distância, provavelmente a menos de um pé [cerca de 30 cm]".

A 11 de Fevereiro, o Presidente de Timor-Leste foi atingido por vários tiros quando regressava a casa após a sua corrida matinal, e um dos seus guardas foi morto. Ficou num coma prolongado e esteve às portas da morte em Darwin, Austrália, onde foi tratado.

No mesmo dia e quase à mesma hora, o primeiro-ministro e ex-Presidente, Xanana Gusmão, saiu ileso de um atentado à coluna de veículos que o transporta de casa para o seu gabinete.

"The Australian" diz que estes dados das autópsias permitem concluir que os acontecimentos no recinto da residência presidencial não são tão claros como tinham sido descritos até aqui e que é de admitir que Reinado e Exposto possam ter sido atraídos para uma armadilha ou ter sido feitos prisioneiros antes de serem executados.

"Jornal da Republica" online

"Jornal da Republica" de Timor-Leste já está disponível, para pesquisa, em:

http://www.mj.gov.tl/jornal/

Was East Timor rebel leader executed by presidential guard?

Times Online
August 13, 2008

Anne Barrowclough in Sydney

East Timorese rebel leader Alfredo Reinado and his chief lieutenant may have been executed after the assassination attempt on President Jose Ramos Horta in February, an autopsy report suggests.

The autopsy on Reinado and his fellow rebel Leopoldino Exposto, who were shot dead at President Horta's home, indicates that the men were shot at point blank range according to The Australian newspaper which has obtained a copy of the report.

Reinado, an Australian trained major who has waged a year long mutiny against Mr Ramos Horta's government, was shot in the eye, neck, chest and head. The entry wounds show burning and blackening that is indicative of weapons fired at point black range, said experts. Exposto was shot in the back of the head at "close range", typical of an execution style killing, said the autopsy.

Officially, the two rebels were caught unawares inside the President's compound on February 11 and were killed in a gun battle with palace guards after the assassination attempt on Mr Ramos Horta. Mr Ramos Horta was shot and his guard killed after being caught in gunfire after returning from his morning walk to the beachside compound in East Timor's capital Dili. Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao escaped injury in a separate attack on his convoy as it took him to his office.

The official version of events, however, has been thrown into doubt by the autopsy report, carried out by forensic pathologist Muhammed Nurual Islam. The report states that all Reinado's wounds featured "blackening/burning" especially in his left eye, where the size of the discolouration was so large that it could indicate a point blank shot.

Both men were shot with a high powered AR-15 semi-automatic Armalite weapon, with which the presidential guard was issued, reported The Australian.

A forensic expert told the newspaper that it was "well-established" in the forensics world that burning and blackening was a feature of guns being fired at point blank range.

"Blackening is a critical issue to gunshot wounds," he said. "If you see soot-type burning it indicates the barrel of the gun was very close to the skin's surface."

Questions have now been raised as to whether the rebels were lured from their mountain hideout to their deaths.

Mr Ramos Horta was elected last year as East Timor's second president since the country achieved independence in 2002. He narrowly survived the assassination attempt but has indicated that he might not complete his four year term.

Rebelde que tentou assassinar Ramos Horta pode ter sido executado

Globo.com
13/08/08 - 02h09 - Atualizado em 13/08/08 - 02h15

Da EFE

Sydney (Austrália), 13 ago (EFE).- O ex-líder rebelde timorense Alfredo Reinado pode ter sido executado durante o tiroteio que se seguiu à sua tentativa frustrada de assassinar o presidente José Ramos Horta, em fevereiro, segundo revelou a autópsia de seu cadáver.

Reinado foi atingido à queima-roupa e na nuca, local que teria sido muito difícil de alcançar em um tiroteio, informou hoje o diário "The Australian".

Caso se confirme, o assassinato do líder rebelde pode gerar novas tensões no Timor-Leste, que desde que obteve a independência, em 2002, luta para conseguir estabilidade política, que lhe permita concentrar-se no desenvolvimento econômico.

Segundo os médicos australianos que praticaram a autópsia, é impossível que as marcas de bala no cadáver de Reinado tenham sido causadas por disparos de soldados a mais de dez metros de distância, como afirma a versão oficial.

Os fatos ainda estão sendo investigados pela Procuradoria Geral do Timor-Leste e por um comitê especial das Nações Unidas.

Em 11 de fevereiro, Ramos Horta ficou gravemente ferido em um atentado perpetrado em seu domicílio e no qual também perdeu a vida Reinado. O primeiro-ministro Xanana Gusmão também foi vítima de um ataque, mas saiu ileso.

Alfredo Reinado liderou em 2006 uma revolta de 600 soldados demitidos por insubordinação do Exército, que gerou uma onda de violência que deixou 37 mortos e mais de 100 mil refugiados e forçou a renúncia do então chefe do Executivo Mari Alkatiri.

A ex-colônia portuguesa do Timor-Leste alcançou a independência há seis anos, como uma das nações mais pobres do mundo, e após uma sangrenta transição, que acabou, em 1999, com quase um quarto de século de ocupação indonésia. EFE

Autopsy doubt on East Timor rebels

The Australian, 13 August
Paul Toohey

QUESTIONS have been raised as to whether rebel leader Alfredo Reinado was lured down from the mountains of East Timor to be executed after it emerged he was shot dead at almost point-blank range inside the home of President Jose Ramos Horta.

The Australian has obtained the autopsy reports for Reinado and fellow rebel Leopoldino Exposto, who died at Reinado's side.

Exposto was shot once in the direct centre of the back of his head at "close range", typical of an execution-style killing. The skin around Reinado's four entry wounds - to the eye, the neck, the chest and the hand - all featured significant burning and blackening.

David Ranson, of the Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine, said it was well-established across the forensic world that gunshot wounds that featured burning and blackening came from rifles discharged at point-blank or "near-contact" range: less than 30cm.

"Blackening is a critical issue to gunshot wounds," Professor Ranson said. "The ballistic textbooks are very clear on this. Burning and blackening is a feature of very close-range shots, probably from less than a foot away. If you see burning and soot-type burning, it indicates that the barrel of the gun was very close to the skin's surface."

Burning comes from close-range muzzle flash. The blackening, or tattooing, comes from gunpowder.

The public version to date is that Reinado, a 42-year-old Australian-trained major who had led a year-long mutiny, and Exposto were caught unaware as they entered the presidential compound on February 11 and were shot by a guard from a distance of at least 10 to 15 meters away.

Mr Ramos Horta suffered gunshot wounds when he was caught in gunfire as he returned to the compound from his morning walk, and one of his guards was killed. Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao escaped a separate attack on his convoy as it took him from his home to his office.

But the official version of events has been clouded by the findings of forensic pathologist Muhammad Nurul Islam, who conducted the autopsies. He writes that Exposto and Reinado were killed "at close range" with a high-velocity rifle.

Dr Nurul notes that all Reinado's wounds featured "blackening/burning" especially so in his left eye, where the discoloration covers an unusually sizeable 10cm x 9cm area, which could indicate a point-blank shot.

Despite some reports that Reinado was either drunk or on drugs, Dr Nurul said there were no toxicological testing facilities at the Dili morgue and that question would never be answered.

Mr Ramos Horta has maintained Reinado was an uninvited guest that day and this was an act of aggression.

What is certain is that the events inside the villa that morning are not as clear as previously presented, and may have involved Reinado and Exposto either walking into a trap or being held at close quarters before being shot.

One of Reinado's wounds was to his left hand, suggesting he may have raised it in a defensive gesture knowing he was about to be shot.

The close-range shooting opinion is strongly reinforced by the burning and blackening that appeared on Reinado's chest wound, despite the fact he was shot through a thick ammunition vest.

Reinado and Exposto were shot with a high-powered AR-15 semi-automatic Armalite weapon, or weapons, as issued to the presidential guard.

Accounts from inside Dili jail from Reinado's rebels, obtained by The Australian, have it that Reinado went to Dili for an early-morning appointment with the President.

Reinado's men maintain they had no plan to attack the President but their interviews are riddled with inconsistencies.

Rice and Circus in East Timor

August 11, 2008
Who Eats What?

By DOUGLAS KAMMEN

Since coming to power in September 2007, the new Parliamentary Majority Alliance (AMP) government of East Timor has made rice a central instrument of state policy. The government has spent millions of dollars on the purchase of imported rice. Free rice has been distributed to civil servants, a constituency recruited under the previous Fretilin government and hence of questionable loyalty. Free rice is part of the incentive offered to encourage the tens of thousands of internally displaced people (IDPs) to vacate the camps and return to their places of residence. Subsidized rice is being sold to the populace at large. Lacking a distribution mechanism, the government has also granted the right to sell this subsidized rice to selected veterans, who represent another politically sensitive group.

Intended to address East Timor’s chronic food insecurity, these side-payments, triggered a host of accusations and scandals. There are widespread allegations that government rice contracts were granted without proper tendering processes and involved collusion. The opposition Fretilin bench in parliament questioned the wisdom of providing free rice to civil servants, arguing this would place an additional strain on markets. The sale of subsidized rice has raised questions about overall government expenditures, inflation, and the impact on domestic food production. The sale of subsidized rice via selected veterans has led to charges of profiteering, prompting Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão to instruct the police to seize subsidized rice sold above the set price of $16 for a 38 kilogram sack.

In the face of these allegations, on 9 July Prime Minister Gusmão held a press conference presenting “the facts” about food security and a blistering attack on his critics. But while the political opposition and media have focused on symptoms, the real story lies elsewhere. This article traces the politics of the Gusmão government rice contracts from September 2007 until the present.

Transitional budget rice contracts

The transitional budget passed by the new AMP controlled parliament to cover the period from July-December 2007 included $6,088,000 for food security. How was this money spent? Government contracts for the import of rice can be divided into three categories: (1) rice to be distributed to civil servants; (2) rice for IDPs; and (3) rice for national reserves and/or for sale to the public.

The first piece of legislation passed by the government in September 2007 was a bill to distribute 30 kilograms of rice per month to each of the 16,969 public servants for a period of six months. To this end, in late 2007 the government signed a contract with Oriental Food, a company headed by Germano da Silva. With no prior experience importing rice, Oriental Food turned to a company called Nabilan Food, owned by Singaporean Gerry Kou. A January 2008 news article reported that Oriental and Nabilan had imported 2,790 and 490 metric tons of rice respectively for provision to civil servants. One informant in Dili suggested that the contract awarded to Oriental Food was actually only for 2,000 metric tons of rice at a price of about $420 per ton. Although the exact tonnage and value of the contract are not known, based on the lower figure of 2,000 metric tons at an estimated price of $420 per metric ton, this contract would be worth $840,000.

The government also faced the ongoing problem of providing humanitarian assistance to IDPs. Much of this assistance came from international agencies, led by the World Food Programme. However, the government also sought to secure rice for this purpose. According to sources the government granted a contract to the Timor Food Company, owned by Mr. Jong Fu Kong (alias James Jong and Jaime dos Santos). It has not been possible to obtain specific information about either the total volume of rice or the price for this contract. However, according to informants in late March 2008 Timor Food received a shipment of 4,000 metric tons of rice, approximately half of which was to fill the government contract for humanitarian assistance and the other half for sale on the open market. Again assuming a contract for 2,000 metric tons of rice and a price between US$400-450 per ton, the Timor Food contract would have also been worth about $840,000.

The third category of contracts was for the purchase of rice for national reserves and/or the sale of subsidized rice to the public. Granted without an open tender process, three contracts were signed in November 2007. Star King, headed by Lay Siu Hing, is reported to have been awarded a contract for 3,615 tons of rice at a price of about $400 per ton. People Food Company, headed by Julio Alfaro and Kathleen Gonçalves (the wife of Minister of Economics and Development João Gonçalves) is reported to have received a contract for 4,000 tons at a price just over $400 per ton. Gerry Kou’s Nabilan Food is reported to have received a contract for 3,000 metric tons at a price of $420 per ton. Taken together, these contracts are for an estimated 10,600 metric tons of rice at an average price of $420 per ton, bringing the total value of the three contracts to $4,452,000.

The estimated value of all three categories of contract – rice for civil servants, rice for IDPs, and rice for national reserves and sale -- comes to $6,132,000, a figure that is extremely close to the budget line of $6,088,000 allocated for rice. But cronyism and ersatz importers were only the beginning.

The 2008 rice contracts

In the national budget for the 2008 calendar year, the Ministry of Trade, Commerce and Industry is allocated $4,864,000 for food security goods and services. With national food security reserves running low, on 29 January Minister of Tourism, Commerce and Industry Gil Alves invited rice importers to a meeting. The following day a second meeting, attended by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, was held with both rice and cement importers to announce that the government sought bids for the import of 16,000 metric tons of rice. In the wake of these meetings, Germano da Silva of the Três Amigos company, an apparent new-comer to the rice business, submitted a bid to the government to supply rice at a price of $510 per metric ton. The two other “amigos” were Kathleen Gonçalves (director of the Peoplconstruction business, which includes the import of cement, during the Indonesian occupation). e Food Company), and Indonesian businessman Frans Holiwono (who had built his During the rice tender meeting, Da Silva and Holiwono convinced the government that only Três Amigos had the capacity to store the large amount of rice required. According to Prime Minister Gusmão’s account:

The Government decided to accept this bid on three deciding factors: 1) The market search by way of the meetings held with the suppliers of rice indicated lack of ability to import; 2) the bid from Mr. Da Silva was reasonable, represented value for money and offered favourable payment conditions, 3) the country’s need for rice stocks was becoming an urgent issue.

As a consequence on February 29th the Government signed a contract with the Três Amigos Company regarding the purchase of 8,000 tons of rice, at a price of US$510.00 per ton, totaling US$4,080 million (Attachment 3). The balance of 8.000 tons would be bought at the contractor’s risk and paid only after the mid year review (MYR) budget.

The government purchase order, which was leaked, contains several curious features. First, the original quantity of rice has been crossed out, the figure of 10,000 tons has been written in by hand, and this figure has also been crossed out and replaced by a total order for 8,000 tons. Second, although various sources including the UN have stated that this order was supposed to be delivered between April and June, the delivery date on the contract is for the period between 30 June and 30 August 2008. Third, despite the fact that the purchase of rice for food security falls under the budget of the Minister of Tourism, Commerce and Industry, this purchase order was signed by Prime Minister Gusmão.

Sometime in April, according to the Prime Minister’s account, “the contracting company was informed by the Vietnamese supplier that it could no longer supply rice at the price of US$510 as previously agreed. The supplier requested a new price of $800 at origin, with the Três Amigos Company adding US$100 more for transportation costs (adjustments considering rising fuel prices), insurance, operational costs and profit. Therefore the price for the government became US$900 per ton. (Attachment 4)” Concerned about soaring international rice prices, on 7 May the government amended the original 29 February Três Amigos rice contract, increasing the tonnage from 8,000 to 16,000 tons and the price from $510 to $900 per ton with delivery to be made by 30 June 2008. This amended contract worth $14.4 million is signed by Germano da Silva and Prime Minister Gusmão.

Reassessing Gusmão’s “facts”

What actually happened during the 68 days between the time the first contract was signed on 29 February and the amended contract was signed on 7 May? The only experience Germano da Silva and Kathleen Gonçalves had importing rice was a few months before when each had received a contract under the transitional budget; they had filled those orders by sub-contracting to others who knew the business. In 2008 Três Amigos again turned to the experienced Gerry Kou of Nabilan Food. The next step was for the parties involved to visit the supplier in Vietnam. During the third week of March a delegation consisting of Germano da Silva, Frans Holiwono, and Minister of Tourism, Commerce, and Industry Gil Alves (and , presumably, Gerry Kou) traveled to Vietnam to meet with a supplier. In late March the supplier and Três Amigos/Nabilan Food agreed to a contract for 8,000 tons of rice at a price of $430 per ton.

Several sources noted that after insurance, transport, stevedoring, and other operational costs, this left a profit of $30 per ton. When the shipment was due to depart from Vietnam, however, the supplier is reported to have informed Três Amigos that it could only provide 2,700 metric tons of rice and that an additional $50 per metric ton would have to be added. Três Amigos, it seemed, would take a loss on the contract.

Then something strange happened. On 7 May, the government of Timor-Leste amended the Três Amigos rice contract: the original price of $510 per ton was changed to $900 per ton and the total tonnage was doubled from 8,000 to 16,000.

This led to heated charges of corruption. But where? One key lies in the date of arrival for the first shipment of 2,700 tons of rice. On 16 April, Timor Post reported that 8,000 tons of rice ordered by People Food (German da Silva’s own company, not Três Amigos) would arrive at the end of the month. On 14 May, the Suara Timor Lorosae daily reported that the ships carrying the rice for the government contract were on the way to East Timor. On the same day, however, the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste held a press conference at which Acting Senior Representative of the Secretary General Finn Reske-Nielsen stated: “Currently there are 7,500 tonnes of rice in stock in Timor-Leste and a further 16,000 tonnes are being imported. 2,500 tonnes [sic, 2,700] have arrived from Vietnam and a further 2,500 tonnes are expected this week. The remainder is due in the near future.” So had some of the rice already arrived in Timor or not?

On 24 July I walked across the street from Landmark Plaza to an unmarked lot strewn with old construction equipment and asked if Gerry Kou of Nabilan Food was there. He was away in Singapore. Employees explained that the rice in the warehouse is only a fraction of what was purchased; the warehouse had been absolutely full. They said that this rice was “for the government contract.” When I commented on the size of the warehouse, the employees said that the warehouse is one of the reasons Germano da Silva had used Nabilan Food to fill his contract with the government. They said about 3,000 metric tons of rice had arrived several months ago.
So the first shipment of 2,700 tons had arrived. Given the UN statement about the arrival of rice before 14 May and shipping time from Vietnam to Dili (10-11 days), this shipment had to have departed from Vietnam before the government amended the Três Amigos contract on 7 May.

But this raises more puzzling questions. First, was the first ship from Vietnam carrying 2,700 tons of rice sent on the understanding that after receiving an amended contract from the government of East Timor, Três Amigos would also agree to pay the supplier a higher price for this shipment? Or, as it appears, was this rice sold and sent at the price of $430 plus $50 reportedly agreed to in April? If that is the case, then the government was defrauded and/or culpable in corruption to the tune of $1 million for the first shipment alone.

A far worse scenario, supported by two well placed sources in Dili, is that the price from the supplier for the entire order of 16,000 tons was not in fact the $800 per ton reported to the government. Any difference between the actual price from the supplier and the $900 per ton (which provided the basis for the amended contract), is either fraud or corruption. If, as sources suggest, the actual price paid for the entire order of 16,000 tons was the original $435 per ton plus the additional $50 demanded by the supplier in Vietnam, and adding an additional $100 per ton for operating expenses and profit margin (which is what the government readily agreed to in the amended contract), then the actual cost to Três Amigos was $585. That would mean a “mark-up” of $315 per ton, which comes to a total of $5,040,000 for the contract.

Conclusion

East Timor’s parliament recently concluded debates concerning the amended budget proposed by Prime Minister Gusmão that calls for a 122% increase in the 2008 budget from the current total of $347.7 million to $773.8. This includes a modest $15,355,000 for food security, of which $11,867,000 is for goods and services. Serious attention to food security in East Timor is absolutely essential. However, it must be carried out with transparency, efficiency, and to serve the best interests of the East Timorese, a people who know hunger all too well. The possible loss of between $1 million and $5 million in a single contract for food security raises serious questions about the ability and even the willingness of the current government of East Timor to manage the enormous new budget now under debate. That discussion – and indeed all political discussions in Timor – should begin with and be based on one simple question: who eats what?

Douglas Kammen is Assistant Professor in the Southeast Asian Studies Programme at the National University of Singapore. He would like to thank the many individuals (most of whom requested anonymity) who shared their time and provided information used in this article.


“Fos 3280 Toneladas Ba Funsionario To’o TL,” Suara Timor Lorosae, 19 January 2008.

He carries three passports – one from Timor-Leste, one from Australia, and a third from China (Macau?). In February 2007 Mr. dos Santos told the author that he is “Fretilin stand-by.”

An email dated 6 December 2007 that circulated widely reported that Germano da Silva, Kathleen Gonçalves, and Antonio Seisal were each granted contracts for 2,500,000 tons. This grossly inflated figure is presumably the result of the mistranslation of the Portuguese word “mil” meaning thousand. See “Politika Fahe Foos iha Governo AMP – Korrupsaun!! !,” sent by Tatoli, 6 December 2007.

See “Decreto n.o 3/II sobre o Orçamento Geral do Estado da República Democrática de Timor-Leste para 2008,” promulgated 29 December 2007, p. 28.

The following discussion draws on the account provided by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, “Press Conference: Food Security – The Facts,” dated 9 July 2008.

Information kindly provided by an AMP member of parliament, 27 July 2008.

“Press Conference: Food Security – The Facts,” p. 3.

República Democrática de Timor-Leste, Serviços de Aprovisionamento, Ordem do Compra/Purchase Order number 81586.

“Press Conference: Food Security – The Facts,” p. 3. $510 per ton was the price of the contract between the government and Três Amigos, not the price from the supplier, as Gusmão claims. The attachments cited were not in fact provided with the press release.

República Democrática de Timor-Leste, Ministério do Finanças, Servicão de Aprovisionamento, “Amendment to Contract RDTL – 81586, ‘The supply and warehousing of white rice’,” number 080508, dated 7 May 2008.

Frans Holiwono of BTK is said to have paid Gil Alves’ travel expenses.

República Democrática de Timor-Leste, Ministério do Finanças, “Amendment to Contract RDTL – 81586, ‘The supply and warehousing of white rice’,” number 080508, dated 7 May 2008.

“Presu Fos Sae: Governu Pronto Halo Prevensaun.” Timor Post, 16 April 2008. This article, based on an interview with the head of the food security department within the Ministry of Tourism, Commerce and Industry, suggests that in mid-April the ministry still expected fulfillment of the total order for 8,000 tons.

See “Pemerintah Sediakan 4.000 Ton Beras,” Suara Timor Lorosae, 14 May 2008.

“UNMIT Press Conference – 14 May 2008 – Near Verbatim Transcript,” on east-timor@lists. riseup.net, dated 14 May 2008. Many of the “facts” presented in an accompanying WFP/FAO/UNMIT “Fact Sheet” (distributed by east-timor@lists. riseup.et , dated 14 may 2008) are incorrect. A source who requested anonymity was certain that the first shipment of 2,700 tons of rice had arrived in April or early May.

http://www.counterp unch.org/kammen08112008. html

Gangster Wins Dili Backing To Build

Sydney Morning Herald - Tuesday, August 5, 2008

Lindsay Murdoch in Darwin

AN OFFER by a notorious Jakarta gangster to develop the siteof a refugee camp in Dili has been accepted by the East TimorGovernment.

The East Timorese-born man, Hercules Rozario Marcal, has closelinks to Soeharto-era generals in Indonesia, including one chargedby the United Nations with orchestrating the destruction of EastTimor after the 1999 independence ballot.

The Timor Post has confirmed that Hercules has been given thego-ahead to build a mini-mart and swimming pool on the site oppositeDili's main wharf.

Investigators have established that Hercules had contact with,and may have met, the rebel leader Alfredo Reinado days beforehe led the February 11 attacks on the President, Jose Ramos Horta,and the Prime Minister, Xanana Gusmao.

Reinado's mobile telephone had a listing for "Hercul".

Two rebels involved in the attacks were arrested at Hercules'sJakarta residence in April.

Hercules has denied any involvement in the attacks.

He gained notoriety in Jakarta in the 1990s running protectionrackets.

His gang also served as enforcers for the Soeharto regime, intimidatingdissidents and East Timorese independence activists. His militarypatrons were reputed to include the then general Parbowo Subianto,Soeharto's son-in-law.

At one stage he lived in the house of Major-General Zacky AnwarMakarim, indicted by a UN war crimes tribunal in 2003 for crimesagainst humanity.

Hercules told East Timorese journalists in January he was lookingat investing in hotels and real
estate in East Timor.

FRETILIN requests President Ramos-Horta to initiate investigation into unintended publication of rectifying budget

FRETILIN - Media release - 10 August 2008

The President of Timor-Leste's largest and historic party FRETILIN,Francisco Guterres "Lu Olo" today called upon President Dr. JoséRamos-Horta to order an investigation into why the Revised Budget Law(also known as the rectifying budget) was sent by his office to theparliament, and then subsequently published in the official gazette,thereby bringing it into law, against the President's declaredintentions.

A Public Communiqué issued from the President's Office on the 6th ofAugust 2008, when the President was already overseas stated, thatprior to his departure the President delivered a speech to the nation,in which he informed the nation that he would await the decision ofthe Court of Appeal regarding a request for a ruling as to theconstitutionality of the rectifying budget, before making a decisionon whether or not to promulgate it.

The Communiqué added that: "The President of the Republic left veryclear instructions to his office to send the rectifying budget forpublication only if the decision of the Court of Appeal declared thatthe law was in conformity with all the requirements of theconstitution."
Lu Olo said, "The President's own words, televised to the nation onthe 5th of August 2008, and confirmed by the President's OfficeCommuniqué on the 6th of August, the following day, were that he leftclear instructions that the rectifying budget was not to be sent forpublication with the official gazette.

"It was clear that this is what he had in mind when he spoke to thepeople. We do not believe for one moment the President would havespoken those words whilst intending to do the exact opposite. Despitethis manifest intent, others in his office took actions contrary tohis clear instructions and sent it on for official publication.

According to Lu Olo this is a very serious situation for FRETILIN, forthe nation's democratic institutions and the Timorese people. He addedthat FRETILIN did not blame the President, because it believed he leftclear and explicit instructions with his office before leaving on hisoverseas trip.

"However, we do not have confidence in others who work in the Officeof the President of the Republic. We have grave reservations abouttheir loyalty to the President and their political impartiality to beworking in such a high office," Lu Olo said.

"We are very lucky that these suspect actions are such that may befixed with the good will and cooperation of other institutions of ourstate. But we have to ask, what if it involved something moreserious, something that could not be so easily reversed or rectified,such as a declaration of stage of siege or a declaration to dissolveparliament? Then what? The President had done all he could to ensurehis intent was clear and that his actions would not impact negativelyupon the nation, but even this could not safeguard a serious errorfrom occurring."

"We cannot simply leave this matter as it is. It is important for usthat state institutions know the truth of what actually happened. Wehave to know clearly whether this was the result of human error orwhether there was some more deliberate act or omission to pervert theexpressed will and intent of the President, to usurp his duties andpowers. An in depth investigation must occur into this matter andFRETILIN give its full support to the President in initiating anappropriate legal investigation," Lu Olo added.

Lu Olo also emphasized that "this was not just a matter of anadministrative issue in the President's Office, but a matter of greatimportance to the government, the parliament, political parties andthe people who need to have confidence that the highest office in theland is functioning legally and constitutionally, not to mention with administrative efficiency, whoever the President is or will be."

For more information, please contact Jose Teixeira: +61 438 114 960(Australia), +670 728 7080 (Dili, Timor-Leste)

Corruption in Office of Secretary of State for Professional Training and Employment

TRANSLATION FROM ORIGINAL TETUM ARTICLE

(This is the person in the AMP government who will be responsible to implement the host worker program with Western Australia)

TIMOR POST, 6 August 2008
Corruption in Office of Secretary of State for Professional Training and Employment

LABEH: The Office of His Excellency Bendito is full of KKN (Indonesian Acronym for Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism)Bendito: "This is to bring me down"

DILI – The Non Government Organization (NGO) Lalenok ba Ema Hotu (LABEH) (Tetum: "Mirror for Everyone") yesterday released a report stating there are indications of maladministration and indications of corruption, collusion and nepotism ("KKN") in the office of the Secretary of State for Professional Training and Employment (SEFPE). The report from monitoring undertaken by LABEH commencing from the month of April until August this year was delivered directly by LABEH Director, Dr. Christopher Henry Samson to the Secretary of State for Professional Training and Employment, Bendito Freitas.

Before delivering the report indicating maladministration to Bendito, Christopher read out the details that LABEH uncovered from civil society and SEFPE officers themselves that the acts of maladministration by the SEFPE Bendito engaged in were: using a government vehicle to convey his wife to Liquica; some officers working in the SEFPE office were relatives of Secretary of State Bendito; utilization of state budget totaling $100,240.00 for the $2 work per day project buying work equipment such as hoes, steel, shovels, pliers, machetes and other things but these were not distributed to population in the districts of Baucau, Viqueque and Lautem.

Other accusations leveled by LABEH indicated that the SEFPE: engaged in nepotism in his workplace whereby only members of his family were recruited to work in the SEFPE office; and after the recruitment process for workers, many of his family members emerged as employees in SEFPE.

"The worst indication is that the SEFEP office used a budget worth $100, 240 allocated for the Districts of Baucau, Viqueque and Lautem whereby the moneys intended to be used to acquire equipment to be used in the $2 work per day project but the moneys were in fact used for some other unknown purpose because it is all fiction," stated Dr. Christopher, who was accompanied by SEFPE Bendito.

In the report, the LABEH Director also provided information of an allegation of corruption which emerged in the Office of the Ministry for Social Solidarity involving a transfer to the SEFPE from Ministry of Social Solidarity of Portuguese government funds in the amount of $35,780.oo for the purchase of a vehicle for the SEFPE but which was used instead to hire vehicles.

"A case of maladministration is one involving $35,780.00 of cooperation funds between the Ministry of Social Solidarity and Portugal given to the Ministry of Solidarity to acquire transport, but it is said that these funds were not used to buy a vehicle but instead was used to rent vehicles," Christopher affirmed.

He said that as an anti corruption NGO LABEH was disappointed with institutions like the PDHJ and Prosecutor and Inspector Generals who remained silent and do not investigate corruption and maladministration cases that emerge in TL.

"There are many corrupt people emerging now in TL, because the responsible institutions never undertake in dept investigations to show the public whether there is a lot of corruption in TL," he questioned.

In the same instance, the SEFPE, Bendito Freitas informed that the accusations made by LABEH against his Office was not supported by strong evidence because his office has never engaged in maladministration and corruption and did not recruit only members of his family as staff in his office.

"LABEHs report has no basis and has no strong evidence that I can see from the accusations to bring me down. But the government thanks LABEHs initiative to control and battle government corruption."

"For us these accusations serve to give more credence to the private sector's participation in combating corruption so as to promote public transparency and accountability and we will rectify our work to become better.

According to Bendito, the Labeh report which indicates that the SEFPE did not use the funds in the amount of $100,240.00 for the $2 a day project to acquire equipment for the Districts of Baucau, Vikeke and Lautem is incorrect.

According to Bendito the equipment was distributed late because the state budget was approved late. Because of this the government was unable to distribute the equipment referred to the people, he said.

"In the first instance the accusations said we used the funds totaling $100,240.00 allocated to acquire equipment for the $2 a day project in Baucau, Viqueque and Lospalos districts, was not that we did not have it. But the transitional budget approval process was late and the procurement process was late too and the implementation of the $2 a day project had finished.

Because of this that the communities did not receive the equipment, but the equipment for them is being delivered this week because the revised budget has been approved," SE Bendito explained.

SEFPE Bendito also rejected the Labeh report in regard to use of the $37,780.00 to acquire a vehicle. "To say that we hired a vehicle is also wrong because this money that came from the Portuguese cooperation was to support the SEFPE to use to buy a vehicle because the vehicle had already been purchased, and we had not hired it."

"Dr. Christopher said we used the Money $37,780.00 for acquiring a vehicle instead to hire a vehicle is also wrong. Because the money that was given by Portuguese cooperation to support the SEFPE to use for vehicles. This vehicle we already had, we did not hire it," he said.
Bendito said that the recommendations in the Labeh report are incorrect because of incorrect information.

Bendito said, he will meet with the directors and all the staff to enable him to consolidate and better the work of the SEFPE and the information regarding these accusations because sometimes it is because information is not complete so some people flippantly make accusations against the SEFPE.

"I want to speak about the information that many of my family work for me and that many of my family travel overseas. All this is incorrect because my family does not make up all the 2000 people. But during recruitment I selected my Chief of Staff from Baucau, my driver from Bobonaro, and my secretary from same and some from Same, because if there is there is maybe only one member of my family as people will be able to see for themselves," he said.

For their part the Deputy Porvedor * for Anti Corruption and Good Governance PDHJ, Amândio de Sa Benevides said that the Provedor's Office is yet to receive a complaint regarding allegations involving a case of maladministration in the SEFPE. But the PDHJ will undertake an in depth investigation of the relevant evidence and facts.

He said that if the PDHJ starts an investigation and it finds indicia of maladministration or corruption it will make recommendations to the prosecutor general.

"The Provedor has not yet received information, but we will yet undertake an in depth investigation regarding the information and allegations pointed to by Labeh in order to find any relevant facts and in depth evidence in order to be able to recommend anything to the Prosecutor according to law," assured Amandio.

Responding to the statements by Labeh Director that the PDHJ never works to investigate corruption in TL, the deputy Provedor Amandio said that you cannot say that the PDHJ does not work. But to be able to work on corruption investigations in TL the PDHJ itself still lacks investigators and equipment and financial resources are still insufficient.

"The Provedor cannot speak about all corruption in TL, because we lack investigators and also finances. We also ask but the government has not increased funding for the lack of transport and equipment. But we continue to do the work despite the PDHJ lacking in many things which the government has failed to attend to."

"Labeh has spoken a lot about us not doing our work, but they do not understand the difficulties we confront, because by rights they should be requesting the government to increase our funding so that we can capacitate our people to train and increase the number of corruption investigators," he said. (ego)

Footnote: * Provedor (in English Ombudsman) for Human Rights and Justice (known by the Portuguese acronym "PDHJ") is constitutionally mandated as the anti-corruption investigation and recommendation functions amongst other roles.###

XANANA FAZ PRESSÃO POLÍTICA SOBRE O TRIBUNAL DE RECURSO E MANIPULA A OPINIÃO PÚBLICA

FRETILIN - Dili, 11 Agosto de 2008 - COMUNICADO DE IMPRENSA

Para fazer face à pressão politica sobre o Tribunal de Recurso e à manipulação da opinião pública pelos membros do governo e pelos deputados da AMP quanto ao Decreto-lei do Governo que “criou” o Fundo de Estabilização Económica (FEE), a FRETILIN relembra os factos ocorridos e as razões que levaram as bancadas da FRETILIN, PPT e KOTA a apresentarem uma petição ao Tribunal de Recurso:

1) Antes de submeter a proposta do orçamento rectificativo ao Parlamento Nacional, o Governo da AMP, apesar de não ser da sua competência constitucional, aprovou no dia 16/7/2008, o Decreto-Lei n?22/2008 que “criou” o Fundo de Estabilização Económica alocando para esse Fundo, 240 milhões de dólares americanos que seriam extraídos do Fundo do Petróleo.

2) O Governo disse que o Fundo destinar-se-ia a fazer face ao aumento dos preços das necessidades básicas e para possibilitar a intervenção no mercado e a compra dos materiais de construção.

3) O Governo da AMP decidiu que o Fundo seria gerido pelo Ministério das Finanças.

4) Durante a discussão sobre o Fundo de Estabilização Económica, vários deputados solicitaram ao governo que apresentasse os programas que justificassem as despesas requeridas, os objectivos dos gastos e como estas despesas beneficiariam o povo. O governo não respondeu às preocupações dos deputados.

5) Apesar de os deputados da FRETILIN e da Aliança Democrática (KOTA e PPT) terem chamado a atenção de que o Decreto-Lei era inconstitucional, a AMP utilizou a sua maioria no Parlamento Nacional para fazer passar o Fundo de Estabilização Económica de acordo com os desígnios do governo. Ao adoptar esta atitude, o Parlamento Nacional acabou por perder a sua função como órgão de estado.

Porquê é que as bancadas da FRETILIN, PPT e da KOTA submeteram a petição ao Tribunal de Recurso contra o Decreto-Lei do Governo?

1) Não é por querer apenas fazer oposição ao governo da AMP;

2) Não é por não querer gastar o dinheiro do Fundo do Petróleo;

3) Não é por não querer que o arroz seja comprado para ajudar o povo.

Tendo em conta os artigos 4 e 5 do Decreto-Lei do Governo, referentes às despesas e receitas, os signatários da petição concluíram que o referido fundo deveria ser autónomo por se tratar de gestão de um montante alto do orçamento do estado. Como fundo autónomo, deveria ser gerido por uma estrutura própria e não poderia estar sob o controle e supervisão do Ministério das Finanças. Um Conselho da Administração e um Conselho da Fiscalização seriam necessários para tratar exclusivamente da gestão desse Fundo.

O Governo não tem competência para aprovar legislação sobre este Fundo pelo facto de ser considerado autónomo. De acordo com o artigo 95, n?2 q) e artigo 97 n?2 da Constituição da RDTL, só o Parlamento Nacional é que tem competência exclusiva para aprovar leis que regulam esse tipo de Fundo.

Em face dos referidos argumentos, os deputados da FRETILIN e da AD estão convictos de que o Tribunal de Recurso deliberará de que o Decreto-Lei do governo é inconstitucional.

No dia 30 de Julho de 2008, apresentamos a nossa petição ao Tribunal de Recurso porque o Parlamento Nacional perdeu as suas funções como órgão de soberania que está acima do governo pelo facto de os deputados da AMP terem recorrido à sua aliança maioritária no Parlamento Nacional para aprovar um pedido inconstitucional do governo.

Rejeitamos a declaração de Sua Excelência, Sr. Xanana Gusmão de que, caso o Tribunal de Recurso declare inconstitucionalidade do Decreto-Lei, o governo não terá dinheiro para pagar as dívidas contraídas com a companhia com a qual o governo efectuou contrato para a compra do arroz , contrato esse que, como todos sabemos, foi efectuados sob o mecanismo de “single source”, antes da aprovação do orçamento rectificativo pelo Parlamento Nacional. Questionamos então porque é que o governo da AMP decidiu fazer um acordo de 14 milhões de dólares americanos com a Companhia dos Três Amigos na altura em que este montante ainda não estava
orçamentado?

Rejeitamos a declaração de Sua Excelência, Sr. Xanana Gusmão, na sexta feira passada, dia 8/8/08, quando afirmou aos media que, se houver falta do arroz e, se houver aumento de preços dos produtos básicos, a responsabilidade por essa situação deverá ser assumida pelo Tribunal de Recurso e pela oposição. Isto significa pressão política sobre o Tribunal de Recurso para decidir favoravelmente sobre o Decreto-Lei do governo? Ou será para obrigar a oposição a retirar a petição do Tribunal de Recurso? Ou será manipulação com o objectivo de impedir que o público descubra as promessas falsas e a incompetência do governo?

O Governo da AMP gosta de fazer promessas mas não gosta de cumpri-las. Uma das promessas é a de distribuição mensal do arroz para os funcionários públicos. A promessa foi feita sem primeiro terem estabelecido um mecanismo de distribuição do arroz e acabaram por distribui-lo de qualquer maneira, beneficiando apenas alguns. Ficamos preocupados com a notícia veiculada no sábado passado pelo Timor-Post de que o Ministro de facto, Gil Alves, teria afirmado que o governo já não dispõe de verbas para subsidiar o arroz para os funcionários públicos no próximo mês de Setembro.

Por culpa da oposição? Ou será por causa da incompetência do governo? Quem errou nos cálculos? Todo o Orçamento Geral do Estado de 340 milhões de dólares americanos já foi gasto? Questionamos! Foi gasto em quê? Ainda não chegamos ao final do ano e o dinheiro já foi todo gasto? Onde está armazenado o arroz comprado pela Companhia dos Três Amigos e a quem é distribuído?

O Governo da AMP não deve acusar os outros escamoteando a sua má gestão e a sua política de mentir ao povo.

Se o Tribunal de Recurso declarar inconstitucionalidade do Decreto–lei n?22/2008, o Governo da AMP deverá acatar esta decisão com serenidade a fim de servir de exemplo a todo o povo de que todos, sem excepção, devem obedecer às leis e à Constituição da RDTL.

A decisão favorável do Tribunal de Recurso à petição da oposição significaria que Governo cometeu um erro inconstitucional porque não tem competência para legislar dobre o Fundo de Estabilização Económica; não seria erro do Tribunal nem da oposição, mas sim erro da AMP.

Para mais informações contacte com José Reis, tel. 734 1505 ou Elisário Ferreira, tel. 723 7118)###

Aviso a invejosos. intriguistas, idiotas, ordinários e incompetentes de serviço...

A todos aqueles que por aqui deixaram uma série de comentários ordinários, invejosos, intriguistas, ignorantes e incompetentes, apenas um grande... Pfff!






(A todos os outros, um até breve e um abraço,
Malai Azul, em parte incerta, mas de boa saúde!)

Interrupção

Lamentamos mas ainda estaremos offline mais uns tempos.

Voltaremos.

Italy's Eni receives OK to develop oil field in area administered by East Timor and Australia

PR Inside, 9 June

MILAN,
Italy
(AP) - Italian Energy Company Eni SpA said Monday that it has
received approval from East Timor and Australian
authorities to develop the Kitan oil field off the coast of East Timor.


Eni, Italy's biggest oil and natural gas Company,
previously announced the discovery of oil in the
Kitan-1 well, which tests indicated a flow rate
of 6,100 barrels of oil a day. It said Monday it
has also confirmed a potential commercial flow in a second well, Kitan-2.

Eni said it will submit its development plan to
the Timor Sea Designated Authority within 12 months.

Eni is the operator in the development area
jointly administered by East Timor and Australia.
The site is in the Timor Sea 170 kilometers (105
miles) off the East Timor coast and 500
kilometers (310 miles) off the Australian coast.

Eni has been operating in Australia since 2000 and in East Timor since 2006.

Eni shares were trading up 1.39 percent at
¤25.56 (US$39.87) on the Milan Stock Exchange.