FRENTE REVOLUCIONÁRIA DO TIMOR-LESTE INDEPENDENTE
FRETILIN
Comunicado de imprensa
9 Julho 2007
FRETILIN, o partido mais votado nas eleições de 30 de Junho, aguarda de Sua Excelência, o Presidente da República, o convite para a formação do IV Governo Constitucional de Timor-Leste.
A Comissão Politica Nacional da FRETILIN (CPN), órgão constituído por quinze membros do Comité Central da FRETILIN, reuniu-se extraordinariamente no dia 7 de Julho para debater a situação decorrente do anúncio dos resultados provisórios das eleições parlamentares e definir a linha de actuação do Partido face as responsabilidades que lhe são acometidas pelo voto popular.
O Partido FRETILIN foi de entre os partidos e alianças que concorreram às eleições, aquele que obteve o maior número de votos.
A FRETILIN aguarda de Sua Excelência, o Presidente da República, o convite para iniciar as negociações tendente à formação do IV Congresso Constitucional o que certamente acontecerá tão logo os resultados sejam validados e proclamados pelo Tribunal de Recurso .
A CPN partilha da ideia apresentada por Sua Excelência o Presidente da República para a constituição de um Governo de Grande Inclusão, com todas as forças políticas com representação parlamentar.
A FRETILIN assegura o seu total compromisso neste sentido.
De acordo com os resultados anunciados hoje pela CNE, a FRETILIN foi o partido mais votado nas eleiçoes legislativas tendo obtido um total de 120.592 votos (equivalendo no sistema de Hondth a 21 cadeiras no Parlamento Nacional) seguindo-se-lhe por ordem decrescente, os partidos CNRT (100.175 votos com 18 cadeiras), Coligação PSD/ASDT (65.358 votos – 11 cadeiras), PD (46.946 votos – 8 cadeiras), PUN (18.896 votos – 3 cadeiras) , Aliança Democrática (KOTA / PPT – 13.294 votos – 2 cadeiras) e UNDERTIM (13.247 votos – 2 cadeiras).
FRETILIN já efectuou contactos com alguns partidos com assento no Parlamento Nacional.
Para mais informações, contacte com:
Jose Teixeira (+670) 728 7080 ou então fretilin.media@gmail.com
www.timortruth.com, www.fretilin-rdtl.blogspot.com
segunda-feira, julho 09, 2007
FRETILIN AGUARDA O CONVITE DO PRESIDENTE DA REPÚBLICA PARA A FORMAÇÃO DO IV GOVERNO CONSTITUCIONAL
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11 comentários:
Fretilin vai em frente, tens contigo a tua gente!
De 480 mil votantes verificou-se o seguinte:
360 mil votaram contra a Fretelin
380 mil votaram contra o CNRT
415 mil votram contra o PSD/ASDT
433 mil votaram contra o PD
461 mil votaram contra o PEIDO
467 mil votaram contra o KOTA/PPT
467 mil votaram contra a UNDERTIM
Por aqui se ve menos votantes votaram contra a Fretelin a comparar com os outros partidos. Por isso e mais que logico e eu preferia ver a governar quem ganhou a corrida. O CNRT sempre pode ir governar as plantacoes de Aboboras la no NSW, o PSD pode ir Gobernur la para KUPANG, e ASDT pode-se tornar a JARDINEIRA de Dili, que precisa embelezamento.
Ze Cinico | 09-07-2007 - 21:01:58 GMT 9 #
Na minha terra 29% é mais de 24% e 120.000 votos são mais 20.000 votos que apenas 100.000. E foi a Fretilin quem teve os 120.000 votos e o CNRT ficou pelos 100.000.
Sempre por cá o partido mais votado decidiu da formação do governo. Sempre! É porque Timor-Leste é mais pequeno que não se pode dar ao luxo de ter uma Constituição democrática e de ter o partido mais votado a reclamar que se cumpra a sua Constituição?
Se acham que é isso tenham coragem de o afirmar, porque eu não me cansarei de desmascarar golpes, golpadas e golpistas e quem os ajuda.
fala-se de Timor-Leste no blog
radiomacau.blogspot.com
Parabén para os "construtores" do site Timoronline, vós dais as notícias "frescas" da história de um povo; vós dais oportunidade àqueles que têm talento para se pronunciar, escrevendo. Vale a pena trabalhar com a pena! Somente uma simples chamada de atenção de modo especial aos timorenses: Se os timorenses "sobreviveram" até aqui foi por causa da unidade nacional. De certeza, que não foi fácil. Penso, que é melhor neste momento histórico unir mais uma vez para construir. Vamos aprender do passado para construir o presente, sem ofender ninguém. Deixemos de apontar os dedos, pois neste site no "Leave your comment" quase que só há criticas. Criticar escrevendo ninguém se vai auto-criticar, pior ainda se usa termos ofensivas e apontando nomes. Creio que a história dirá quem são os verdadeiros heróis, a nós nos cabe hoje todos trabalhar juntos pela Paz, pela Unidade pelo bem de todos nós. Liberdade alcançada, não é para se tornar em libertinagem, se não para que lutar, para depois não ser livres? Se constróe apontando dedos? Creio que não! Os meus respeitosos cumprimentos.
Uma caracterísitca essencial ao bom exercicio do cargo de presidente da república, como aliás ao exercício da política é o bom senso, a sensatez, a razoabilidade.
Não podemos dizer que a sensatez seja uma caracterísitca que abunde por Timor Leste. Ainda bem dirão alguns: se não fosse a insensata decisão de resistir à ocupação Indónésia jamais Timor Leste seria hoje um país independente!
Porém hoje o tempo já não é mais de impedir que se construa, de evitar que se concretize, o tempo já não é mais de resisitr, mas de construir. De construir o Estado, as instituições. Para que o Estado fique soberano e independente apesar de as pessoas passarem.
Nada se constroi sem paciência, sem persisitência. E não se constroem instituições democráticas sem prudência, sem sensatez, sem razoabilidade.
Espermos pois que no embróglio em que a vida política timorense se encontre os lideres sejam sensatos, prudentes, tenham calma e visão de médio prazo (já não digo de longo prazo).
É sensato começar por convidar para liderar o governo mais alguem que não a pessoa indicado pelo partido mais votado nas eleições, mesmo se esse partido apenas tem maioria relativa no parlamento?
Eu acho que é absolutamente imprudente comelçar por convidar
para formar Governo outrem que não quem ganhou as eleições. É o princípio democrático.
Cabe ao partido que ganhou se não tem maioria absoluta, trabalhar noparlamento para alcançar essa maioria.
Foi assim em Portugal em 1985 quyando o PSD ganhou as eleições com cerca de 29% dos votos e governou dois anos em maioria relativa. Foi assim em 1995 e 1999 quando o Partido Socialista governou com mairoia relativa dos votos e dos mandatos do parlamento.
Seja prudente e sensato Dr. Ramos Horta.
Cuidado com os amigos minhotos que são uns políticos frustrados em Portugal e que andam a incendiar as mentes em Timor Leste.
Livrem-se dos neo-colonialismos, sejam eles australianos, indonesios ou portugueses (que tambem os há). Pensem pela vossa cabeça, e pelas soluções que melhor sirvam a construção e deificação do Estado.
Bao sorte!
Caros mentes brilhantes do Timoronline, É absurdo pôr em causa a legitimidade constitucional e política de um governo formado por uma aliança maioritária de oposição. Timor-Leste tem um sistema proporcional e não um sistema maioritário. Por isso constitucionalmente é impossível e inpensável a Fretilin formar governo caso nenhum partido aceitar a coligação.
Enviado por:
"O Realista"
/* Written 7:38 pm May 24, 1994 by CNRMDG@f105.n6121.z90.pegasus.oz.au in igc:reg.easttimor */
/* ---------- "Jose Ramos Horta's open letter to P" ---------- */
CNRM- National Council of Maubere Reisistance
Text of open letter from Jose Ramos Horta to President Suharto.
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
His Excellency,
The President of the Republic of Indonesia
General Hajji Mohammad Suharto
Jakarta, Indonesia
Your Excellency,
I have the honour of writing to Your Excellency in my capacity as Co-Chairman and Special Representative of the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM), the supreme organisation which brings together the nationalist sectors of the people of East Timor. I was appointed as Special Representative of CNRM by Resistance Commander Xanana Gusmao in 1990. In the reorganisation which followed Commander Xanana Gusmao's capture, I was appointed Co-Chairman, heading the Diplomatic Front of CNRM as Special Representative. Commander Nino Konis Santana, Commander-in-Chief of the East Timor National Liberation Forces Falintil, also Co-Chairs CNRM .
Your Excellency, it is now close to 19 years that the people of East Timor have been profoundly suffering from a traumatic situation which stems from what can only be explained as a tragic deep historical misunderstanding.
This misunderstanding has locked our two peoples, which should have been destined to enjoy the closest fraternal relations as members of a regional family, into a devastating conflict. This has so far been of benefit to no one, save perhaps a few irresponsible elements who had lost sight of the higher duties they should have fulfilled for their nation.
As a result of these past misunderstandings the people of East Timor continue to suffer, while the image of the Republic of Indonesia is severely damaged. Furthermore, this regrettable situation also brings unnecesary suffering to many Indonesian people.The consequences are thus highly negative for both our peoples, as well as for the process of national development of Indonesia, for which Your Excellency has been so widely praised internationally.
Past developments have already more than clearly shown that the course of action followed so far is not leading to a resolution of the East Timor problem. On the contrary, the evolution of the situation confirms that unless a radically new approach is sought, the problem will only be compounded.
We have followed with great expectation the talks held in past months between Indonesia's Foreign Minister and the Foreign Minister of Portugal under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary General, as part of the Secretary General's mandate to find a solution to the East Timor problem. We regret that so far we have not been invited to participate directly in these talks. However, our central role in a the search for such a solution, and our most sincere desire to seek an effective long-term settlement of the conflict that exists between our two nations, has led us to propose a Three-phase Peace Plan aimed at assisting the United Nations Secretary General to fulfil his mandate.
In doing so we have been guided by the most sincere desire to seek a just and equitable resolution to the regrettable situation facing our nations and to build the foundations for the close, mutually beneficial and harmonious relationship into the long term future we so ardently desire. We are aware of the need to attend to the legitimate interests of both sides, and the situations respectively faced by them, in the formulation of a plan for a solution
The Three-phase Peace Plan was first articulated by Commander Xanana Gusmao shortly before his capture, and has subsequently been publicly backed by Commander Konis Santana. It is also consistent with statements by the leadership of the Catholic Church. In April 1992 I presented the Peace Plan to the European Parliament in Brussels, and to the Council on Foreign Relations in New York, and later to the United Nations. It was received as a positive initiative. Support for the Peace Plan has also come from members of the US Congress, as well as prominent political circles in Japan, Europe, Canada and Australia. Many genuine friends of Indonesia have realised its prospects as a valuable instrument to secure a convenient and lasting solution to this regional problem, at present detrimental to the long term interests of Indonesia as well as to other members of the international community.
We would like hereby to submit the Three-Phase Peace Plan to Your Excellency's consideration. We do so with the best and most sincere intentions to seek a basis to resolve this problem. Our proposals are, of course, not final. We would welcome Your Excellency's suggestions, which we would receive in the most constructive spirit of openness and good will.
EAST TIMOR PEACE PLAN
Phase One- one to two years
Indonesia-Portugal talks under the auspices of the UN Secretary General, without initial East Timorese participation. Three such talks sessions have been held to date, with modest results so far. A Communique issued in New York after the last round of talks by the Foreign Ministers of both countries on 17 September 1993 gives reason for optimism.
Subsequent talks, in which East Timorese need to be invited to participate, should aim to achieve:
An immediate end to all armed activities in East Timor.
Immediate and unconditional release of all East Timorese political prisoners.
Significant reduction of Indonesian military personnel currently in the territory.
Removal from East Timor of all heavy weapons, long range artillery pieces and armed transport equipment.
Expansion of the presence and activities of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) into every district of East Timor and in strict observance of the Geneva Conventions.
Reduction of Indonesian civil servants in the territory.
A comprehensive population census to be undertaken by competent UN bodies.
Access to the territory by UN Specialised Agencies such as FAO, UNDP, UNICEF, WHO and others.
Restoration of all basic human rights in the territory.
Removal of any restrictions on the use and teaching of Portuguese and Tetum languages.
Setting up of an independent Human Rights Commission in Dili.
Appointment of a Resident Representative of the UN Secretary General in East Timor.
At the end of phase one, the following results should be achievable:
Normalisation of Portugal - Indonesia relations.
Legal existence of East Timorese political parties.
Establishment of a resident European Community Legation in Dili, representing Portugal in East Timor. Setting up of a Portuguese Cultural Institute in the territory.
Phase Two - five years
This is a transition stage of autonomy in which East Timorese would govern themselves through their own local institutions. This would require:
Election of a local Assembly with a five-year mandate, according to universally accepted norms under UN supervision and technical assistance. Only East Timorese may vote and be elected.
Election of an East Timorese Governor, for a five-year term by the Assembly.
Powers devolved to the East Timor Assembly to include legislation concerning international trade relations, investment, property, immigration and others.
Withdrawal of remaining Indonesian troops and further reduction in Indonesian civil servants.
Placement under the command of the elected governor of a territorial police force organised by the UN. The territory is to have no army.
Phase two may be extended by mutual consent between Indonesia and the East Timorese population. A 2/3 vote by the Assembly would be required for a proposal for the extension of phase two to be put to a popular referendum.
If the referendum rejects extension of phase two, or at the end of an extension of phase two, phase three would commence.
Phase Three- Self determination:
This phase covers Preparation for a self-determination referendum, to be held within one year of the commencement of phase three, whereby the population may choose between integration into Indonesia, free association with Indonesia, or independence.
We reiterate the assurances already provided in the past that CNRM leaders will scrupulously respect the choice freely made by the majority of the East Timorese people. Should the East Timorese population choose for integration or free association with Indonesia, all armed resistance and diplomatic activities against Indonesia would immediately cease.
We trust that, as an experienced Statesman of world standing, Your Excellency will appreciate the merits of the Three-phase Peace Plan as a valuable formula to restore the regional peace and fraternal relations that should exist among our peoples. The benefits would be inmense. A major blemish on Indonesia's international standing would be removed, enabling it to legitimately assume the international role it is destined to play. Indonesia's development process could proceed unhindere, boosted by the new opportunities of international cooperation which would arise as strains on regional and extra-regional relations are removed. Your Excellency's central contribution to the ending of the festering East Timor problem would be hailed as a major historical bequest to humanity, serving to advance the universally cherished aspirations of democratic freedoms, respect for human rights and peaceful coexistence.
In closing, Your Excellency, we pray for a future of harmony and understanding between the East Timorese people and our brothers and sisters in Indonesia. We pray that in the spirit forgiveness of the forthcoming Eid Ul Fitr festivities, the first rays of peace may begin to shine.
Yours sincerely,
Jos‚ Ramos Horta
CNRM Co-Chairman and
Special Representative
Geneva, 11 March 1994
---
* Origin: CNRM Dir. G. Int. Rel. (90:6121/105)
--
AND HE WANTS TO GOVERN TIMOR-LESTE. APOLOGISE FIRST FOR THE POSITIONS YOU TOOK TO MAKE SURE WE NEVER BECAME INDEPENDENT MVC!!!
Carrascalao Surrender Call
Date: Sat Feb 01 1992 - 05:49:00 EST
UPI, Jakarta, Jan 31 - The governor of East Timor Friday called on
separatist guerillas Friday to come out of hiding.
Mario Viegas Carrascalao also warned East Timorese not to listen to
foreign radio accounts of the international outcry over the Dili
massacre Nov. 12 when Indonesian troops opened fire on independence
demonstrators, killing dozens.
Carrascalao said the guerillas should come out of hiding in the
jungle and help with the development of the province, joining their
families who have accepted East Timor's bloody annexation by Indonesia
17 years ago.
"I am calling them to return and stop wandering in the jungle without
aim, because there is much to be done to develop East Timor," he said.
He said the foreign radio broadcasts from Portugal, Australia and the
Netherlands should be ignored. The reports were "only interested in
cheating and misleading the people by telling lies and nonsenses," he
said.
FRIENDS JUST GO TO http://www.library.ohiou.edu/indopubs/search/search.html AND PUNCH IN "MARIO CARRASCALAO" AND READ ALL ABOUT WHAT THIS "BALI BEACH" BOY DID DURING HIS TIME AS GUBERNUR OF TIMOR TIMUR TO WIPE OUT OUR INDEPENDENCE. ITS HISTORY IN HIS OWN WORDS.......FOR YOU TO JUDGE.
Thanks anonimo 12:07
is a good reading on MVC background,
'Carrascalao, a founding member of the Timorese Democratic Union (UDT)
political party in 1974, was one of the leaders who in 1976 made the Balibo
agreement. Indonesia claims the document is an expression of the East
Timorese people's wish to integrate with the republic.
Carrascalao, who said they acted at the time in the belief that they
were doing the best thing for their compatriots, acknowledged that those
leaders did not have the people's mandate for the agreement.
Carrascalao has also changed his mind in the wake of Indonesia's
announcement that it will recommend that its highest legislative body
release East Timor should its offer of autonomy within the republic as a
final solution fail to be accepted.
"I never fought for independence, but I'm not going to refuse it," he
told an Indonesia Australia Business Council lunch in Jakarta. '
The man never lifted a finger towards ET independence. now he has one of the loudested Mouths in ET.
SHame on you
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