This story is from our news.com.au network
Source: AFP
September 02, 2006
THE rebel East Timor military leader who escaped from jail earlier this week appeared on television late today and criticised the country's government.
Major Alfredo Reinado, whose escape triggered an ongoing manhunt in the capital Dili by UN police and international peacekeepers, said Prime Minister Jose Ramos-Horta's government lacked leadership.
"The current crisis occurs because the government has no capacity to lead and has no good politics,'' Maj Reinado said in an interview aired by the state RTTL television and radio station.
There was no immediate response from the government.
Maj Reinado did not say why he fled, but he appealed to Timorese gangs to stop feuding.
He and 56 other inmates escaped from a Dili prison on Wednesday.
East Timor's new UN police commissioner, Antero Lopes, said he believed he could hold talks with Maj Reinado eventually leading to the rebel's unconditional surrender.
"It will not be necessary to capture him. I believe that he will come and establish dialogue,'' Mr Lopes said, when asked to comment on Maj Reinado's surprising television appearance.
"We don't think it will be necessary to use any force,'' Mr Lopes said.
Maj Reinado was arrested last month on charges of weapons possession.
International troops discovered the rebel leader had nine handguns in his possession, despite promises from his group that they had surrendered all their weapons to Australian soldiers in June.
In May, Maj Reinado led a group of 600 deserting troops and was accused of sparking civil unrest, including clashes among rival security forces and gang wars on the streets that killed 21 people.
The violence prompted the deployment of an Australian-led international peacekeeping force.
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sábado, setembro 02, 2006
Rebel leader appears on TV
Por Malai Azul 2 à(s) 01:01
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Traduções
Todas as traduções de inglês para português (e também de francês para português) são feitas pela Margarida, que conhecemos recentemente, mas que desde sempre nos ajuda.
Obrigado pela solidariedade, Margarida!
Obrigado pela solidariedade, Margarida!
Mensagem inicial - 16 de Maio de 2006
"Apesar de frágil, Timor-Leste é uma jovem democracia em que acreditamos. É o país que escolhemos para viver e trabalhar. Desde dia 28 de Abril muito se tem dito sobre a situação em Timor-Leste. Boatos, rumores, alertas, declarações de países estrangeiros, inocentes ou não, têm servido para transmitir um clima de conflito e insegurança que não corresponde ao que vivemos. Vamos tentar transmitir o que se passa aqui. Não o que ouvimos dizer... "
10 comentários:
Fantástico... mas que tv estatal é esta que dá guarida e tempo de antena a foragidos da justiça (estatal)? Já agora também me podiam vir entrevistar a mim, que nunca apareci na tv e acho que também tenho umas coisas interessantes para dizer... Mas qual é o critério editorial? Parece-me que isto anda numa fase de sem rei nem roque (ou será que vão despedir a pessoa responsável por ter dado tempo de antena a um gajo que se pirou da choldra, e ainda por cima apela à desobediência contra o governo da nação, legalmente constituído?), and por aí gente muito desorientada em Timor-leste!
Vejam texto anexo de muito interesse.
Já agora: realce-se a última frase aqui referida, do MJ-AUS: "uma fuga desta importância não acontece por acidente e isso é preocupante".
Fuga de Reinado cria onda de especulações
MANUEL DE ALMEIDA / lusa
Alfredo Reinado afirmou antes da fuga que só devia lealdade ao presidente Xanana Gusmão
Orlando Castro
O major Alfredo Reinado, para além de ter fugido da cadeia e continuar a monte, iniciou uma campanha pública de explicação das razões que diz assistirem-lhe. Ontem enviou para diversos meios de comunicação uma gravação vídeo onde afirma estar pronto para ser julgado por um tribunal "independente e sem influência política".
Embora o brigadeiro Mick Slater, comandante militar australiano em Timor-Leste, diga que sabe onde estão os 57 presos que anteontem fugiram da cadeia de Becora, em Díli, a verdade é que ninguém ainda os encontrou, somando-se as especulações sobre a eventual cobertura que alguns políticos estarão a dar ao major Alfredo Reinado.
"Mesmo estando fugido da cadeia, não significa que esteja a fugir da Justiça", afirma Alfredo Reinado, numa gravação em que aparece ladeado por alguns dos companheiros de fuga.
Reinado diz que tem de "seguir viagem rumo à liberdade", desafiando o povo "a abrir os olhos, porque existe injustiça no país".
Ou seja, diz Reinado, "é por causa dos interesse políticos que hoje todo o povo sofre e morre , favorecendo apenas os soberanos em detrimento do povo".
A fuga de Reinado e de outros 56 reclusos levou quer o director nacional das prisões, Manuel Exposto, quer o ministro da Justiça, Domingos Sarmento, a culparem as forças da Nova Zelândia.
Observadores internacionais estranham não só a facilidade da fuga como as dificuldades da captura, sobretudo depois de o brigadeiro Slater ter afirmado à rádio australiana ABC que as suas forças "isolaram a cidade 15 minutos após a fuga".
Entretanto, o ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros australiano, Alexander Downer, que depois de manhã terá uma reunião em Díli com o seu homólogo indonésio e com Ramos-Horta e Xanana Gusmão, afirmou que a fuga de Reinado (que teve treino militar na Austrália) "é uma oportunidade para Camberra reafirmar o seu apoio a Timor-Leste".
Também o ministro da Justiça australiano, Chris Ellison, disse que a fuga prova que Reinado tem apoios na comunidade local, acrescentando que "uma fuga desta importância não acontece por acidente e isso é preocupante".
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The Cuban Project
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[1] first page of a meeting report on Operation Mongoose, October 4th 1962.The Cuban Project (also known as Operation Mongoose) is the general name for CIA covert operations and plans initiated by President John F. Kennedy on November 30, 1961. The President authorized aggressive covert operations against the communist government of Fidel Castro in Cuba. The operation was led by Air Force General Edward Lansdale and came into being after the failed Bay of Pigs invasion.
The goal of The Cuban Project was to "help Cuba overthrow the Communist regime", including its leader Fidel Castro, and aim "for a revolt which can take place in Cuba by October 1962". American policy makers also desired to see "a new government with which the United States can live in peace." Source: U.S., Department of State, FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 1961-1963, Volume X Cuba, 1961-1962 Washington, DC [2]
It was based on the estimation of the US government that coercion inside Cuba was severe and that the regime was serving as a spearhead for allied communist movements elsewhere in the Americas. There was also evidence that the repressive measures of the communists, together with the seeming failure of the government's socialist economic policies, had resulted in an atmosphere among the Cuban people which made a resistance program a distinct possibility at that moment. As such, the US designed their covert plan to fuel the growing anti-regime spirit to provoke an overthrow of the government and/or assassination attempts on Castro.
The United States Department of Defense Joint Chiefs of Staff saw the project's ultimate objective to be to provide adequate justification for a US military intervention in Cuba. They requested that the Secretary of Defense assign them responsibility for the project, but the Attorney General Robert Kennedy retained effective control.
Over thirty different plans were considered under The Cuban Project, some of which were carried out. The plans varied in their efficacy and intention, from propagandistic purposes to effective disruption of the Cuban government and economy. These included the use of American Green Berets, destruction of Cuban sugar crops, and mining of harbors.
Operation Northwoods was a 1962 plan, which was signed by the Chairman of the Join Cheifs of Staff and presented to the Secretary of Defense for approval, that intended to use false flag operations in order to justify intervention in Cuba. Among other things considered were real and simulated attacks which would be blamed on the Cuban government. These would have involved attacking, or reporting fake attacks on, Cuban exiles, US military targets, Cuban civilian aircraft, and development of a terror campaign on US soil. [3]
The Cuban Project played a significant role in the events leading up to the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. The Cuban Project's six-phase schedule was presented by counter-insurgency specialist Air Force General Edward Lansdale on February 20, 1962; it was overseen by AG Robert Kenendy, and President John F. Kennedy was briefed on the operation guidelines on March 16, 1962. Lansdale outlined the coordinated program of political, psychological, military, sabotage, and intelligence operations as well as assassination attempts on key political leaders. Each passing month since his presentation, a different method was in place to destabilize the communist regime, including the publishing of views against Castro, armaments for militant opposition groups, the establishment of guerilla bases throughout the country and preparations for an October military intervention in Cuba. Many individual plans were reportedly devised by the CIA to assassinate Fidel Castro. These plans included using hair removal powder to make Castro's beard fall out, a poisoned wetsuit, the use of exploding cigars and the placing of explosive seashells in Castro's favorite places to go diving.[4]
The Cuban Project was originally designed to culminate in October 1962 with an "open revolt and overthrow of the Communist regime." This was at the peak of the Cuban Missile crisis, where the United States and the Soviet Union came alarmingly close to nuclear war over the presence of Soviet missiles in Cuba. The operation was suspended on October 30, 1962, but three of ten six-man sabotage teams had already been deployed to Cuba. On November 8, 1962, one six-man CIA team blew up a Cuban industrial facility.
The Cuban Project, as with the earlier Bay of Pigs invasion, is widely acknowledged as an American policy failure in Cuba.
[edit]
Sera que em Timor usaram e continuam usando a "Operation Mongusma"? Talvez. Boa leitura acima, e se quiserem ler mais vao para o wikipedia.
Ze Cinico
LET'S UNITE,....TO KICK OUT THE AUSSIE,......JUST OIL IN THEIR HEAD,.......WAKE UP LORMONU,!!!!!!!!!!!!!1...SECURE YOUR DIGNITY FROM AUSSIE,.....!!!!!
For those that didn't watch dateline
Two months back, when East Timor's then Prime Minister, Mari Alkatiri, was dramatically forced to resign after weeks of violence and chaos, from many quarters, there was an audible sigh of relief. Gone was the man variously described as undemocratic, alleged to have armed a hit squad to eliminate his political opponents and a crypto-bloody-Marxist to boot! Alkatiri, of course, maintains he was the victim of a concerted effort to oust him. Meanwhile, Australia has spent millions of dollars supporting the idea of constitutional democracy in East Timor and has hundreds of troops there maintaining the fragile peace.
But, post the violence, there are key strategic and security issues at stake for both countries. Indeed, as we'll see in a moment, new information is coming to light that demands scrutiny. Dateline sent David O'Shea and John Martinkus, two Dateline reporters with a long history of covering East Timor, back to the troubled fledgling nation to our near North.
REPORTERS: David O'Shea and John Martinkus
DAVID O'SHEA: Although he is putting on a brave face, 2006 will go down as a bad year for Rogerio Lobato. Even the cake-maker got his birthday wrong.
ROGERIO LABATO (Translation): The birth date is 25-7-2016.
Following the violence in May, the former interior minister resigned. Tainted by allegations he'd armed a hit squad and under intense pressure, Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri was forced to resign one month later. According to Rogerio Lobato, a great injustice has occurred.
ROGERIO LABATO (Translation): The prime minister, who was democratically elected, was shamelessly discredited because of a film.
The film Lobato refers to is the ABC 'Four Corners' program broadcast in June containing the damning hit squad allegations. Lobato has been charged but despite the very public crucifixion of Alkatiri, there have never been any charges laid against him.
MARI ALKATIRI, FORMER PRIME MINISTER: I am fully confident because I have said I have nothing to do with these kinds of things.
MAJOR ALFREDO REINADO, (Translation): This is your last warning young men!
On 23 May, Major Alfredo Reinado fired the first shots of the crisis. He was Australian army-trained and was leading a group of rebel soldiers who had split from the army and, along with some policemen, were now firing on their former colleagues. Reinado insisted that he had fired in self-defence but I was there and I clearly saw and heard him shoot first. The soldiers who were fired on that day said the attack against them came out of the blue.
SOLDIER (Translation): He counted up to seven, I heard him. Seven, yes, I heard that. I didn't hear anything after seven. I only heard gunshots. I thought they were allies so why were they firing at us? As an officer I had to respond.
Curiously, just days before, politician Leandro Isaac, a staunch opponent of prime minister Alkatiri, told me that something big was about to happen, 'I didn't realise how big it was going to get.' So why did Major Reinado attack? The former prime minister insists that what happened here at Fatu Ahi was the launch of a premeditated campaign to oust him.
MARI ALKATIRI: I think Alfredo Reinado was instructed to come down to Fatu Ahi and to restart everything with violence because this is the only way they can provoke everything - to start violence to justify everything.
This was the beginning of four days of chaos in the capital, Dili, before the arrival of Australian forces. As a witness to that upheaval, I have come back with colleague John Martinkus, who has covered East Timor for 10 years. Following Reinado's opening volley, the second major attack of the crisis was led by a man called Rai Los. He told 'Four Corners' that he was the leader of the so-called 'hit squad' and was supposed to be killing people on behalf of Alkatiri. Well, how then does he explain this amateur footage? The man that filmed it told Dateline these are Rai Los's men and they were fighting alongside the forces they are meant to be killing. They are all fighting the national army and, by extension, the government of Mari Alkatiri. But Rai Los is adamant he didn't join the forces rebelling against Alkatiri.
RAI LOS, HIT SQUAD LEADER, (Translation): I didn't go there to join them, I went to stop them. I talked to them, I'd been told to stop them by force, but I had other ideas. I wanted to stop them by using negotiation and dialogue.
You would have to say that taking up arms and firing at the army is an unusual method of dialogue. East Timor's Prosecutor-General is still investigating the incident and confirms Rai Los's role in the fighting in Taci Tolu, on the outskirts of Dili.
REPORTER: So it was confirmed that Rai Los was involved in the fighting in Taci Tolu, they led the attack, and they began the shooting?
LONGUINOS: Yes, thank you very much.
Just as Alfredo Reinado had started the battle and then withdrawn, so did Rai Los. All that's left today of this crucial event in May is a pile of empty cartridge shells. Rai Los's claims about his role in the attack raise serious questions about his credibility and his damning allegations against Alkatiri. Over the days that followed it seemed everyone had a gun. And many of them were handed out by this man - Police Commissioner and Alkatiri critic, Paulo Martins. The Commissioner admits to emptying the police armoury and distributing the weapons just before the violence began, a fact confirmed by former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri.
MARI ALKATIRI: The Police Commander, Paulo Martins, said the weapons were not in storage and they had been allocated to different police units. He was saying one of the units was in Ailieu and in Dili and in Liquica.
By coincidence or otherwise, the anti-Alkatiri forces were concentrated in precisely the areas named by Alkatiri.
REPORTER (Translation): The weapons you sent to Ailieu, where are they now?
PAULO MARTINS, POLICE COMMANDER (Translation): The guns that were transferred from Ailieu are now back in Ailieu.
REPORTER (Translation): Where?
PAULO MARTINS (Translation): The Police Reserve Unit.
It's common knowledge that members of the police reserve unit had joined the rebels, along with many civilians.
PAULO MARTINS (Translation): The fact is that no one has proved that the civilians used police guns.
If that is the case, how did this police weapon end up in the hands of Leandro Isaac? He is a member of East Timor's Parliament and he's carrying a police issue Steyr rifle.
LEANDRO ISAAC, INDEPENDENT MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT (Translation): Because East Timor, especially Dili was in a state of war! WAR! And if I had nuclear bombs, I'd use them.
REPORTER (Translation): Some people might be asking why a member of parliament is using a gun?
LEANDRO ISAAC, (Translation): There's a difference between using and owning.
REPORTER (Translation): And now the gun is?
LEANDRO ISAAC, (Translation): It is back with the owner. I am not the owner.
REPORTER (Translation): Who is the owner?
LEANDRO ISAAC, (Translation): A policeman that was here at the time.
The most horrific incident of the four days was the massacre of unarmed police on 25 May. It was carnage. 9 police were shot dead and 27 were wounded, all of this done by three soldiers, so the story goes. The UN is investigating the incident. We can offer a dramatically different scenario. This footage suggests there were many more than three soldiers firing. One eyewitness we spoke to claims he saw civilians shooting at the police from these palm trees. And this group of armed men, some of them in civilian clothes, were among many unidentified gunmen at the scene. Who were they and does the presence of groups like this cast doubt on the accepted version of events? Dateline was told the UN has video evidence supporting the version we have offered. Was this deadly confrontation part of a pattern to discredit the army and further undermine the prime minister?
With security spiralling out of control in East Timor, Australian troops arrived to more damaging allegations against Alkatiri, which were big news in Australia.
SBS NEWS STORY: East Timor's Prime Minister, Mari Alkatiri has today dismissed a string of serious allegations and repeated his claim that he is being forced from power.
Forces loyal to Mr Alkatiri have also been accused of massacring 60 unarmed protesters and dumping their bodies in a mass grave. Mr Alkatiri also stands accused of trying to kill opposition leader Fernando Araujo.
MARI ALKATIRI: It is just completely false. I think this kind of accusations and allegations is part of the whole plan trying to demonise me but nothing is true, it is completely false.
True or false, Australia apparently took the threat against opposition leader Fernando Araujo very seriously. They flew his wife and son to Darwin on two Black Hawk helicopters from this isolated airport in the south-west of the country. She arrived just in time to make the Australian news bulletins.
MRS ARAUJO: In Australia where you can speak and you can debate and your house will not be burned down and be threatened to be killed.
It's worth noting that neither the death threats nor the allegations of mass graves have ever been proved. While Australia protected Araujo's family, many East Timorese say his Democratic Party, or PD, is actually responsible for coordinating the anti-Alkatiri mobs.
REPORTER: You provide the trucks to bring them in to town. PD is involved in organising the transport to bring these people into town.
FERNANDO ARAUJO, OPPOSITION LEADER: For demonstrations this is the people's right. If they burn house, this is a crime, they should be arrested. It's not my responsibility.
And Araujo had plenty of help stirring up anti-Alkatiri sentiment. Take for instance Rui Lopes - a man made wealthy through his close connection with Kopassus, the notorious Indonesian Special Forces.
RUI LOPES (Translation): We are ready to die, we're ready to defend, and ready to kill.
When Dateline went looking for Rui Lopes, we found he had crossed the border into Indonesia.
JOHN MARTINKUS: It's a shame. Rui Lopes is not at home. He has had lots of meetings with those people and has provided money and logistics to the PD party. And what we wanted to ask him was - where was the money coming from?
FERNANDO ARAUJO: I, er, I never get any money from Rui Lopes. Actually we have the same view that Mari is threatening this country, is destroying this country. We organise the demonstration together.
Another of Araujo's associates and supporters is Nemecio de Carvalho. He's a former leader of one of the most bloodthirsty militia that terrorised Timor during 1999. De Carvalho is under house arrest for his militia activities.
NEMECIO DE CARVALHO: So Rui Lopes, I and other people and, according to me, now most Timorese are against Fretilin because they are undemocratic.
Another influential player in this drama is the Catholic Church. The church was openly opposed to Alkatiri and his government, as this April 2005 letter shows.
CHURCH LETTER: 'The citizens of this country don't identify with the model that this government wants to impose on Timorese society. It's completely alien and cut off from the roots of our cultural, social and historic realities.'
Both of East Timor's bishops signed it and sent it to the president of parliament, asking that
CHURCH LETTER: 'they decide on the immediate removal of the current prime minister, Dr Alkatiri and his government, and the appointment of a new prime minister who would immediately form a government.'
The letter was ignored. But the church has apparently been involved in more than letter writing. Reliable sources in the army high command told Dateline that two priests personally urged them to oust Alkatiri. Father Apolinario was one of them.
REPORTER: Is that true?
FATHER APOLINARIO: I can't say anything.
REPORTER: Is it true you went to visit, to talk or not?
Bishop Ricardo da Silva, a co-signatory of the letter, also wasn't to keen to discuss the church's alleged approaches to the army or FFDTL.
BISHOP RICARDO: Not true – people want to extend everything – not true.
REPORTER: Thank you, Bishop.
MARI ALKATIRI: It means what they couldn't do at that time they decided to plan it better and to do it in a different way. I don't think we can really blame the church as an institution.
And there was more. According to top level army sources, in late 2005, armed forces chief Brigadier-General Taur Matan Ruak and Lt-Colonel Falur Rate Laek were approached by two Timorese leaders accompanied by two foreigners on two separate occasions. The four also asked the army, or FFDTL, to remove Prime Minister Alkatiri. Again the FFDTL refused.
MARI ALKATIRI: I was aware. I was informed by the commanders of the FFDTL of the situation, that they were approached by some Timorese and some foreign nationals, but I was fully aware and confident in the command of the army that I didn't think that it was an issue that could worry me and for me it was nothing.
JOHN MARTINKUS: The two foreign nationals who were involved with approaching the military here to convince them to mount a coup against you, Were they Australian?
MARI ALKATIRI: Even the commanders were not clear on this, if they were Australian or American - between these two. But I still have no clear information from the command if they were Australian or American but surely they were English-speaking.
So who would want to mount a coup in East Timor? And why? Mari Alkatiri says it's simply because he was too independent and threatened Australian interests in the oil and gas fields of the Timor Sea.
MARI ALKATIRI: What I was doing in my term was to defend the interests of my people in having the resources to develop this country, independently. Not to be dependent. I was fully aware we have our right and we still have our right on the Timor Sea and we have to defend it. Not because I am anti-Australian. I like very much Australia as a country, as a nation, as a people. I would never be anti-Australia.
JOHN MARTINKUS: Do you have any evidence that Australia was involved at some level in the effort to seek your resignation?
MARI ALKATIRI: Evidence, no. But the only prime minister in the world that was really "advising me" quote-unquote, to step down, was the Prime Minister of Australia during these days, these difficult days.
John Howard, on the other hand, is far more disposed to Alkatiri's replacement as prime minister Jose Ramos Horta. Just days after being sworn in, new PM Ramos Horta presided over the historic signing of the first oil production sharing contract between the two countries.
JOSE RAMOS HORTA, EAST TIMOR PRIME MINISTER: When you deal with oil and gas and economics, well, you have to be fair and realistic and pragmatic. Australia cannot always be philanthropic with everything it does for East Timor.
I asked Horta's Energy Minister, Jose Texiera, whether he thought East Timor was getting a fair deal in the lucrative oil and gas agreements.
JOSE TEXIERA, ENERGY MINISTER: It's not the ideal outcome but it's the pragmatic outcome – to give us an outcome.
It seems pragmatism has won the day but the former prime minister says he wanted to ensure East Timor had greater control over its natural resources, particularly the Greater Sunrise oil and gas field.
MARI ALKATIRI: What I have been doing up until now is to really get some independent feasibility study of getting the pipeline to Timor Leste and an LNG plant in Timor Leste. And this is very important. What Australia is trying to achieve is having Sunrise sent to Darwin. This is Australia's interests. But my interests can't be always coinciding with Australian interests and vice versa, and this is the reality.
In the midst of the crisis today, there's a media event being staged at President Xanana Gusmao's house. He's taking local journalists on a tour of his much loved garden.
REPORTER: Is gardening one way you can forget the troubles?
PRESIDENT XANANA GUSMAO: Yes.
Xanana Gusmao is the man who holds the greatest moral influence in East Timor and is often portrayed as staying above the political fray, but this murky affair – with its many unanswered questions - has seen him at the very centre of events. In March this year, in a nationally televised address, he responded to the recent split in the country's army, speaking out about discrimination against recruits from the west of the country.
Whatever the President's intentions, his words had immediate effect. That very night the first easterner's houses were burned down and the first refugees fled their homes. Many felt that the President had taken sides with East Timorese from the west of the country, who are mostly anti-Alkatiri.
And again today he is very proactive. On his front doorstep, literally, two guns and a man who said he got them off the former interior minister.
MAN: (Translation): In the name of the government, they distributed weapons. Coming from the mountains as we do, how can we afford to buy these weapons?
This media event draws an intriguing cast of characters, including Rai Los, whose hit squad allegations brought down the prime minister. Rai Los is warmly received by the President, but as we pointed out earlier, Rai Los attacked the national army, which under the constitution is headed by President Gusmao.
Kirsty Sword Gusmao is East Timor's Australian-born first lady. In May she was quoted in the 'Australian' newspaper saying that Alkatiri should resign. Many here regarded her comments as symbolic of Australian meddling.
KRISTY SWORD-GUSMAO, EAST TIMORESE FIRST LADY: There was some rather mischievous reporting going on by the 'Australian' newspaper. I did not call for his resignation. I said there were increasing demands for him to resign but I didn't make any forceful demands for him to resign but I did express an opinion on that issue.
REPORTER: It's been picked up here as meddling Australian intervention in the internal affairs of East Timor.
KIRSTY SWORD: No, it was a misquote.
REPORTER: Some people are suggesting what happened was Australia's first coup. What do you say to that?
XANANA GUSMAO: No, I already told people that we are aware of our own mistakes, our own wrongdoings. We are very aware of this.
REPORTER: So the coup is...?
XANANA GUSMAO: No, no.
REPORTER: Thank you.
Dateline made multiple requests for an extended interview with President Gusmao, but he declined.
NEMECIO DE CARVALHO: He is the boss in the struggle. Now he get nothing. Just a symbolic role according to our constitution.
Whatever his motivations, Nemecio de Carvalho, the former militiaman is prepared to say what many East Timorese now believe but are afraid to spell out - that the President and/or others wanted Alkatiri removed and the only way to achieve it was through drastic means.
NEMECIO DE CARVALHO: There must be a crisis and instability, including war. So he can play in such a situation. Without conflict, without instability, without anarchy, war, maybe he will never get more power.
REPORTER: There are also a lot of people - much of it is whispers - saying the President is behind all this stuff?
KRISTY SWORD-GUSMAO: There are bound to be comments like that made, I can say with absolute confidence, as an insider and someone who has accompanied very closely this whole situation, that it's nothing but a load of codswallop.
Meanwhile, 150,000 East Timorese sit in refugee camps, waiting for their leaders to sort out the mess.
GEORGE NEGUS: The question marks still hanging over our troubled northern neighbour. And with Australia and the East Timorese committed to constitutional democracy in the fledgling nation, Xanana Gusmao as President may find it impossible to remain silent and aloof about these violent events. And in a dramatic, late-breaking development, Alfredo Reinado, the Australian-trained rebel leader David O'Shea was with when he got caught in the crossfire that started the May hostilities, earlier today escaped with 55 other prisoners being held in Dili's Becora jail. Reinado had been arrested and charged with murder and firearm offences.
Quando vejo estes paninhos quentes todos com o Reinado, como se ele fosse uma vedeta de Hollywood, lembro-me que bastava um pelotão de "Rangers" portugueses para apanhar esse palhaço.
Acabava-se logo o espectáculo na TV.
Concordo se de igual modo se proceder perante a corrupção a nível do poder político em Timor-Leste e não só.
Como se viu, bastou a GNR, a soldo de casas ocupadas e queixa do proprietário para uma vez mais se esquecerem da realidade... pois, viu-se e vê-se o resultado.
Rangers? Comandos? Então mas se nem com "paninhos" quentes, quanto mais à força. Acho uma completa perda de tempo.
Todos levados à pedra era o que deveria ser e já! Quero dizer com isto, investigar-se a fundo as responsabilidades dos governantes, ex-governantes e futuros governantes para de uma vez vermos o que importa mais: o povo a viver em paz! Estão fartos destes políticos, isso está mais que visto. Desculpem lá mas vou-me rir se houver eleições... e se fossem já, com uma verdadeira força internacional no terreno para as pessoas sentirem segurança e havíamos de ver o resultado... a queda continua mas até chegar ao chão... tudo vai bem, aliás muito bem até, não será?
A GNR faz muito mas nao faz milagres. Temos que pedir e que venha tambem a Judiciaria e a Policia de Investigacao Criminal. Ai Becora que irias receber muitos ilustres hospedes e muitos que a coberto se vao amanhando com o alheio, ou seja com o que deveria ser de todos.
Senhor h.correia, por favor nao tente por os portugueses contra o Reinado. Olhe que os timores nao pensam como voce. Mude de disco que sera mais construtivo e a musica mais hilariante.
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