quarta-feira, agosto 27, 2008
terça-feira, agosto 26, 2008
Ex-army admits: Conspiracy Xanana Gusmao and Mahidin Simbolon
Dark side of President of East Timor
Jakarta, 6 September 2004 14:45
There was a commotion in the editor’s office this morning with the presence of a man with the initials JM . The man who admits to being ex-army of the Satu Kompi Brawijaya Division and appeared keen to admit that, due to feelings of frustration and stress, ongoing for years, he could no longer keep quiet about the connection with the involvement of the military operation ABRI/POLRI (TNI/POLRI-red) in East Timor from the year 1994 to the end of 1996.
The journalists of this magazine were confused by this gentleman. However, after several minutes the ex member of ABRI started to explain to the GATRA correspondent about several involvements in the killing operation of several important figures of the pro freedom movement of East Timor which ran from 1994 to 1996.
Here the magazine correspondent was not very surprised with the information, as it was already an open secret that in the mid 90s the war in East Timor was being stoked by ABRI/POLRI (TNI/POLRI-red) on several of the East Timor guerrilla defence basis or as they are better known by their ABRI term, GPK-Fretilin.
However, the story became very different and surprising when ex-sergeant JM (who has to keep his name secret for the safety of his family) explained all the ABRI operational documents to do with the Front Clandestin and East Timor Armed Force.
The main target of the operation was the leader of the Front Clandestin organisation who at that time was led by his commander Keri Laran Sabalae. One thing which was very interesting and also sensational was the dilemma of the military operation which was directly under the command of Colonel Mahidin Simbolon (Simbolon’s rank at the time) with the cooperation with Xanana Gusmao, the “resistance leader” of East Timor, who was incarcerated in LP Cipinang Jakarta.
Ex-sergeant JM said that he himself was present at the meeting between Colonel M. Simbolon which was conducted in a room of the Lembaga Permasyarakatan Cipinang in Jakarta.
The basis of the meeting was the desire and the readiness of Xanana Gusmao to “centralise” radical groups into an East Timorese resistance organisation body which, according to Xanana, could threaten the efforts of the “quiet resistance” and reconciliation with diverse East Timor political groups who were being hurried along to unify the people of East Timor.
Because of this, Xanana Gusmao was ready to work together with Col. M Simbolon to annihilate the radical groups of “GPK Fretilin” which among others consisted of several commandants of the Fretilin movement and its followers with names Rodak Timur, Keri Laran Sabalae, David Alex, Konis Santana and Eli Fohorai Boot.
These names were inserted very clearly in a military operation document appendix 1994-1996 which was unfolded by ex-sergeant JM. The core of the “cooperation” between Xanana’s camp and M. Simbolon was the principle of mutualism: Simbolon could achieve success in his military career and Xanana would even become more flexible in controlling the resistance movement which he commanded from LP Cipinang.
It seems clear indeed that the president of the new East Timor was very cunning in maintaining the importance of his group by exterminating his own commanders, who were deemed disloyal to him or even if loyal, according to Xanana they over- prioritised the “violent path” to reach national goals.
Seen from the documents and the various photographs in the possession of JM, it is very difficult to doubt the origin of this story. This is the hidden version and the dark side of the “charisma” of Xanana who was so exalted by his own people. Working with the “enemy” to annihilate his own people.
Ex-sergeant JM himself says the burden he has carried for this time has become lighter with his admittance. He regrets deeply why the East Timorese president was so sly in order to victimise part of the members of his people for the importance of his political strategy. Concerning Major General Simbolon, Serka (sergeant major), JM makes the appeal that the TNI/POLRI headquarters immediately investigate this case.
Because the nature of the military operation at that time secrecy from the unit which was led by Col. M. Simbolon. ABRI headquarters only obtained the military operation appendix copy after the defeat of several “GPK Fretilin”. “Because of this, Major General Purnawirawan Mahidin Simbolon must be immediately investigated remembering that ‘the stars on his shoulders’ of the general is the result of conspiracy with the enemy of the Republic of Indonesia at that time,” adds ex sergeant JM. [IY, GAT]
Imung Yuniardi (Semarang)
Law and Politics, Gatra Number 42, published Friday, 7 September 2004
***
Original:
Eks Tentara mengaku: Konspirasi Xanana Gusmao dan Mahidin Simbolon
Sisi Gelap Sang Presiden Timor Leste
Jakarta, 6 September 2004 14:45
Gatra dihebohkan dengan kehadiran seorang pria berinisial JM di kantor redaksi majalah pagi ini. Lelaki yang mengaku sebagai seorang eks tentara di Divisi Satu Kompi Brawijaya dan berpenampilan cepak tersebut mengaku sudah tidak dapat lagi meredam segala rasa frustrasi dan stress yang dideritanya beberapa tahun belakangan, berhubungan dengan keterlibatannya di operasi militer ABRI/POLRI (TNI/POLRI-red) di Timor-Timur pada tahun 1994 hingga akhir tahun 1996.
Para wartawan di majalah inipun binggung dibuat oleh lelaki tersebut. Akan tetapi menjelang beberapa menit kemudian sang eks anggota ABRI mulai memaparkan kepada koresponden GATRA mengenai berbagai kertelibatanya dalam operasi pembunuhan terhadap beberapa tokoh penting gerakan pro kemerdekaan Tim-Tim yang dilancarkan pada tahun 1994 hingga 1996.
Disini koresponden majalah ini tidak begitu kaget dengan informasi bersangkutan, karena memang sudah menjadi rahasia umum bahwasanya di pertengahan tahun 90an perang di Timor-Timur sedang hangat-hangatnya dilancarkan oleh pihak ABRI/POLRI ( TNI/POLRI-red) terhadap berbagai basis pertahanan kaum gerilya Timor-Timur atau yang lebih dikenal dengan istilah ABRInya sebagai kaum GPK-Fretilin.
Akan tetapi ceritapun menjadi lebih lain dan mengagetkan ketika eks Serka. JM (yang mengaku agar namanya tetap dirahasiakan-demi keselamatan keluarganya) membeberkan segala dokumen operasi ABRI ketika itu terhadap kaum Front Clandestin dan Armed Force Timor-Timur.
Sasaran utama dari operasi tersebut adalah pemimpin dari organisasi Front Clandestin yang waktu itu dipimpin oleh comandannya Keri Laran Sabalae. Suatu hal yang sangat menarik dan juga menhebohkan adalah sifat dilematis dari operasi militer itu sendiri yang dikomandai langsung oleh Kolonel Mahidin Simbolon (pangkat Simbolon pada waktu itu) dengan bekerja sama dengan “pemimpin perlawanan” Timor-Timur Xanana Gusmao yang sedang mendekam di LP Cipinang Jakarta.
Eks Serka. JM mengakui bahwa dirinya turut hadir dalam pertemuan antara Kolonel.M Simbolon yang dilaksanakan di suatu ruang di Lembaga Permasyarakatan Cipinang di Jakarta. Inti dari pertemuan tersebut adalah keinginan dan kesanggupan Xanana Gusmao untuk “menetralkan” kelompok-kelompok radikal dalam tubuh organisasi perlawanan Timor-Timur yang menurut Xanana dapat mengancam usaha “perlawanan damai” dan rekonsiliasi dengan berbagai kelompok politik Tim-Tim yang sedang dilancarkannya untuk mempersatukan rakyat Timor-Timur.
Oleh karena itu, Xanana Gusmao menyatakan bersedia bekerjasama dengan Kol.M Simbolon untuk membasmi kaum-kaum radikal di tubuh “GPK Fretilin" yang antara lain terdiri dari beberapa komandan gerakan Fretilin dan anak buahnya dengan nama Rodak Timur, Keri Laran Sabalae, David Alex, Konis Santana dan Eli Fohorai Boot.
Nama-nama tersebut tercantum dengan sangat jelas sekali di lampiran dokumen operasi militer tahun 1994-1996 yang dibeberkan oleh eks-Serka JM. Inti dari “kerjasama” antara kubu Xanana dan M Simbolon dalah prinsip mutualisme; Simbolon dapat sukses di karir militernya dan Xanana pun menjadi lebih fleksibel dalam mengontrol gerakan perlawanan yang dikomandai olehnya dari LP Cipinang. Terlihat jelas bahwsanya sang Presiden dari negara baru Timor Leste ini telah sangat lihai sekali untuk mempertahankan kepentingan kelompoknya dengan membasmi para komandanya sendiri yang dianggap tidak loyal kepadanya ataupun kalau loyal, menurut Xanana mereka lebih mengutamakan “jalan kekerasan” untuk mencapai tujuan nasional.
Melihat kepada dokumen-dokumen dan berbagai foto yang dimiliki oleh JM kiranya sulit sekali untuk meragukan keaslian dari versi cerita ini. Ini adalah versi tersembunyi dan sisi gelap “karisma” seorang Xanana yang begitu diagung-agungkan oleh rakyatnya sendiri. Bekerjasama dengan “musuh” untuk membasmi kaumnya sendiri.
Eks Serka. JM sendiri mengaku beban yang disandangnya selama ini menjadi lebih ringan dengan pengakuannya ini. Dia sangat menyayangkan mengapa Presiden Timor Leste ini begitu liciknya untuk mengorbankan sebagian dari anggota masyarakatnya hanya untuk kepentingan dari strategi politiknya. Mengenai Mayjen. Simbolon, Serka. JM memhimbau agar Mabes TNI/POLRI harus segera menyelidiki kasus ini. Karena sifat dari operasi militer pada waktu itu adalah rahasia dari unit yang dipimpin oleh Kol.M Simbolon.. Mabes ABRI hanya mendapatkan copy lampiran hasil operasi militer setelah tewasnya beberapa komandan “GPK Fretilin”. "Oleh karena itu, Mayjen Purnawirawan.Mahidin Simbolon harus segera diselidiki mengingat “bintang- bintang di bahu” sang jenderal adalah hasil konspirasi dengan musuh Republik Indonesia pada saat itu" demikian Eks Serka JM. [IY, GAT]
Imung Yuniardi (Semarang)
[Hukum dan Politik, Gatra Nomor 42, beredar Jumat, 7 September 2004
Australia grants financial aid to East Timor
Macauhub - 2008-08-26
Canberra, Australia, 26 Aug - Australia is to grant East Timor 8 million Australian dollars in financial aid for agriculture and a military training centre, officials said in Canberra Monday.
At the end of a meeting with his Timorese counterpart Xanana Gusmão, Australian prime minister, Kevin Rudd said that Australia would invest 2.4 million Australian dollars in improving Timorese agriculture, for which coffee is the main product.
He added that 5.6 million Australian dollars would be spent on building a military training centre for the East Timorese army.
The Australian prime minister also announced that the number of grants for Timorese students would be increased and that an English studies centre would be created in Dili.
The inclusion of the Timorese in the 2,500 South Pacific workers to which Australia plans to grant temporary work Visas was the main issue under discussion at the second meeting of the two heads of government, with the Australian prime minister saying only that he would continue to discuss the issue.
Job creation is one of the priorities of prime minister Gusmão, as he plans to reduce unemployment that currently stands at around 80 percent.
Before the meeting, Gusmão had said he hoped an understanding would be reached that would allow the Timorese to join workers from Kiribati, Tonga, Vanuatu and Papua New Guinea, who will be granted visas to work in Australia.
Rudd agreed to look at the proposal as part of a needs assessment for employment and training in East Timor, which is due to be concluded by the end of this year.
###
segunda-feira, agosto 25, 2008
East Timor not in Australian guest worker scheme
ABC News Online
Updated August 25, 2008 19:06:01
East Timorese Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao fails to convince Australia to include his country in guest worker program. [Reuters]
Australia will not be including East Timorese in its intitial guest workers program despite an approach by the country's Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao.
The decision follows a meeting on Monday in Canberra between the East Timorese leader and the Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd.
On the agenda was inclusion in the guest worker pilot scheme announced earlier this month.
Four countries, Tonga, Kiribati, Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu will be part of the trial program.
The program will grant seven month visas allowing employment in Australia's horticultural industry.
A number of other countries have also expressed interest including East Timor.
Following the talks Prime Minister Rudd says there is a way to go yet.
"Let's take it from the ground up there is still some work to be done on this."
Australia has agreed to funding a $US5 million defence training complex in East Timor; doubling of university scholarships for East Timorese in Australia; and other training initiatives.
In the lead up to the meeting and it became clear that one of the reasons for Mr Rudd's hestitation over East Timor's inclusion in the guest worker scheme was the revenue expected as part of Dili's share in energy sales.
But during his visit, Mr Gusmao was questioned over how his country intended to handle the posibillity that Woodside Petroleum may rule out processing gas from Greater Sunrise in East Timor.
The energy giant may pipe it to Darwin or have a floating liquefied gas plant in the Timor Sea.
"We'll look to the technical and commercial viabilities. After that we will accept any decision," he said.
Mr Gusmao also inspected the yet to be completed East Timor embassy in Canberra.
Dos leitores
Comentário na sua mensagem "Science doesn't back Ramos Horta story":
REVELACAO DA MORTE DE ALFREDO: OS TERCEIROS, QUEM SAO?
Investiguem Hercules e o MUNJ e chegarao ao Xanana Gusmao!!!
O Major Alfredo Reinado encontrou-se em contacto com frequencia com gangstar Hercules na vespera da sua visita, um dos Gangs mais influentes e mais rico na Indonesia, em Timor-Leste.
Porem, o major falecido nao sabia que o proprio Hercules e XG ja tinha feito um plano para elimina-lo. O "rogue force" que atirou o RH era o homen montado pelo XG e Hercules. Eram 8 elementos provenientes de Jacarta com autorizacao dada por XG,apoiados logistica e financeiramente pelo Hercules.
O plano era seguinte uma bala para eliminar dois alvos considerados obstaculos para governacao da AMP; Ramos Horta e o Major. Utilizando elementos treinados em Jacarta, vieram para Timor com uma missao de top secret. Eram eis elementos de Kopassus do eis General Prabowo. Sairam de Kopassus e juntaram-se ao rede mafioso de Hercules. Entre eles 3 sao timorenses eis Kopassus com um era oficial de patente Capitao naquelas forcas especiais Indonesias e os restos sao indonesios. Subordinados ao Hercules e cumpriram ordem de XG.
O plano foi tracado pelo circulo de XG. Alfredo foi apanhado no lugar errado e no momento errado. Os homens do MUNJ conspiraram com XG para convidar Alfredo ao chamado encontro com o presidente que nao existiu. Alfredo e seus homens foram traidos pelo MUNJ e ALVEJADOs por um SNIPER, e a seguir os dois (Alfredo e Leopoldinho) foram capturados pelo guarda presidencial que depois os mataram. Porem o coitadito guarda presidencial pensava que foi ele que os tinha alvejado, por isso matou o major e o seu elemento Leopoldinho sem hesitacao com tiro a queima roupa.
Os 4 elementos de Hercules tomaram as suas posicoes na monte de Bidau Santana como SNIPERS. Eles sao os terceiros nesta dramatica eleminicao de Alfredo e tentativa de assasinato do presidente Ramos Horta. Foram os outros 4 que simularam o drama de assalto ao seu patrao Xanana. Tendo sabido que o Ramos Horta afinal ainda estava vivo, seguiram com plano B de simulacao do ataque ao seu BIG BOSS para se livrar e salvar XANANA GUSMAO da culpa de morte do Major e tentativa de assasinato de Ramos Horta.
Os misteriosos terceiros (sao exactamente 8 pessoas) sao homens de Hercules que trabalham para XG e o seu governo da AMP. Foi uma missao de TOP SECRET. Nao acreditam? entao investiguem o Hercules e o MUNJ e chegarao de certeza ao Xanana Gusmao. Ainda lembram da historia de mortes de David Alex, Rodak, Sabalae e os outros elementos considerados radicais por XG? a mesma cena que agora esta acontecendo. O assasinio de sangue fria esta na accao.
Chama-se XG!
Sumber dari Jakarta
Fonte de Jacarta
Conto - O ANJO DA FÁBRICA DE MÃES
Carlos Correia Santos
Ivan respirou fundo e entrou no prédio enorme cheio de chaminés e torres. Foi recebido por uma espécie de anjo transparente, um ser que parecia feito de cristal. A criatura disse com suavidade:
“Bem-vindo à Encantada Fábrica de Mães. O que desejas?”. O menino se impacientou: “Ora, o que desejo? Se isso aqui é uma fábrica de mães, uma mãe é o que eu desejo, não é?”. O anjo quis saber: “Mas o que aconteceu com a tua? Tu a perdeste? Ela se foi?”. Ivan respondeu com tristeza: “Ela nunca existiu... Sou órfão. Nunca tive mãe”. O ser de cristal sorriu e contestou: “Isso é impossível. Todos nós temos uma em algum lugar”. O garoto se aborreceu: “Sou órfão, já disse! Como é? Vou poder ver ou não essas mulheres que vocês fabricam aqui? Quero escolher uma perfeita, sem defeitos”. A transparente figura determinou: “Entre. Tente fazer a sua escolha”.
Os dois, assim, seguiram pela infinita fábrica. Ivan viu tudo. Viu como nascem as mães. O primeiro passo é o coração. Só os melhores corações são eleitos. Depois, o colo. Um colo materno tem que ser feito do material mais macio do mundo. Tudo, cada detalhe tem que ser puro, suave, iluminado. Os braços para preciosos abraços. As mãos para as melhores carícias. Os lábios para dizer as mais sábias e educativas palavras. Os olhos para transmitir amor sereno e eterno.
Ivan viu, por fim, várias mães prontas, a espera de serem adotadas. Sempre acompanhado do anjo de cristal, examinou uma por uma. Tentou ver qual levaria consigo. Aquela baixinha com riso delicado? Não... Faltava algo nela. Aquela outra mais alta com rosto afetivo? Também, não...
Faltava alguma coisa... Acabou conhecendo centenas de candidatas. De todas as raças, de todos os jeitos, de todas as alturas, modos e formas. Nenhuma, porém, o conquistou. Nenhuma era a sua...
Após andar por toda a fábrica, o jovem sentou-se num canto e chorou. O Anjo Transparente o consolou: “Não, chore, meu querido... Não chore”. O pequeno contou: “Sinto falta de minha mãe.
Ela se foi quando eu era muito pequeno. Dizem que foi para o céu. Mas eu não agüento mais de tristeza. Por isso vim até essa fábrica. Quero encontrar uma nova alma maternal. Não quero mais ser só”.
O ser cristalino revelou: “Achas que tua mãe não está mais contigo? Tu te enganas. Ela foi chamada para viver em outro plano, mas logo voltou e sempre te acompanhou. Ela sempre esteve perto de ti. Só não podias ver. Mas ela sempre esteve perto”. O menino se levantou e olhou dentro dos olhos do anjo. Quis saber: “Como assim? Ela sempre me acompanhou?”.
A doce criatura explicou: “Há um tipo de mãe que não está aqui nessa fábrica. As mães que se transformam em anjos transparentes. Como eu, meu querido. Parece que não estamos mais ao lado dos nossos filhos, mas estamos, sim! O verdadeiro amor materno nunca vai embora”. Uma lágrima de cristal caiu pelo rosto da encantada. E ela confessou: “Eu nunca te abandonei, meu menino. Sempre estive juntinho de ti. E sempre estarei”. Ivan também chorou, mas de felicidade. Emocionado, o garoto deitou-se devagar no colo de seu Anjo de Cristal. Deitou-se e dormiu no colo de sua mãe.
*CARLOS CORREIA SANTOS é poeta, contista e dramaturgo brasileiro.
Contatos: carloscorreia.santos@gmail.com / contista@amazon.com.br
Aldrabões...
UN hits back over Ramos-Horta's 'slow reaction' claim
Posted Fri Aug 22, 2008 3:14pm AEST
The United Nations has rejected an accusation by the East Timorese President that it was slow to react after an attempted assassination in February.
Jose Ramos-Horta said international forces did not move quickly enough to give him medical aid and arrest the rebel soldiers who attempted to kill him.
But in a leaked version of a report on the shooting, the UN suggests that sending a nurse to aid the wounded President may well have saved his life.
The UN says that the East Timorese Government itself waited two days before pursuing the rebels.
- BBC
NOTA:
Mandaram uma enfermeira??? A assistência médica que Ramos-Horta recebeu não foi de nenhuma "enfermeira" enviada pela ONU. Mas sim do INEM que se deslocou ao local com a GNR...
ONU não vai diminuir efectivos na missão estacionada no país
Notícias Lusófonas
24.08.2008
As Nações Unidas vão manter o seu actual efectivo em Timor-Leste, garantiu hoje em Díli o representante interino do secretário-geral da ONU, no encontro que manteve com o ministro da Justiça português.
A Missão Integrada da ONU em Timor-Leste (UNMIT) conta actualmente com 1.533 polícias (entre os quais militares da GNR e agentes da PSP) e 33 oficiais de ligação.
O encontro do representante interino Finn Reske-Nielsen com o ministro Alberto Costa realizou-se no âmbito da visita oficial de três dias que o governante português iniciou quinta-feira a Timor-Leste.
Num comunicado enviado à Lusa refere-se que no encontro com o representante interino da ONU "foi ainda abordada a colaboração de Portugal na área da justiça, tendo em vista a actual agenda legislativa em Timor-Leste, nomeadamente, o Código Penal, Código civil, Lei da Protecção de Testemunhas e Lei sobre questões de Justiça juvenil, a aguardar aprovação, e que contam com a colaboração portuguesa".
"O ministro da Justiça transmitiu ao representante das Nações Unidas o compromisso de Portugal em alargar a cooperação na área da justiça com a introdução de novas tecnologias e de novos métodos de trabalho nos tribunais, bem como na área dos registos e notariado", lê-se no comunicado.
Neste segundo dia da visita a Timor-Leste, Alberto Costa visitou o Parlamento Nacional, o Tribunal de Recursos, que tem competências de Tribunal Constitucional, e o Tribunal Distrital de Díli, terminando a jornada com um encontro com o secretário-geral da FRETILIN, partido na oposição com a maior bancada eleita no parlamento, Mari Alkatiri.
No primeiro dia, Alberto Costa assinou dois protocolos de cooperação na área da justiça com a sua homóloga timorense, Lúcia Lobato, depois de ter sido recebido pelo Presidente José Ramos-Horta e pelo primeiro-ministro Xanana Gusmão.
O primeiro acordo, de cariz bilateral, foi firmado entre os Ministérios da Justiça dos dois países e visa a assistência técnica em várias áreas, a formação de quadros e o apoio na elaboração de legislação específica que necessite de maior aprofundamento.
O segundo protocolo envolveu, além dos Ministérios da Justiça de ambos os países, a participação do Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento (PNUD), e respeita à definição do enquadramento para a realização de missões de juízes e procuradores portugueses.
A cooperação portuguesa na área da Justiça, na vertente multilateral, apoiou já com 3 milhões de dólares (2 milhões de euros), entre 2006 e 2008, o programa do PNUD, que funciona com o apoio da Austrália, Brasil, Espanha, EUA, Irlanda, Noruega, Portugal e Suécia.
Este programa visa a formação de juízes, procuradores e defensores públicos timorenses, tendo o terceiro curso nesse âmbito começado no final de Julho passado.
A nível bilateral, a cooperação portuguesa tem neste momento quatro assessores jurídicos no Ministério da Justiça, dois deles no Gabinete da Ministra Lúcia Lobato e outros dois na Direcção Nacional de Assessoria Jurídica e Legislação.
No plano multilateral, em colaboração com o PNUD, há uma equipa de seis oficiais de Justiça, que se prevê venha a ser alargada em breve para oito elementos.
Neste caso, Portugal assume os salários e o PNUD assegura as viagens e a remuneração complementar.
Ainda no âmbito da cooperação multilateral, estão em Timor-Leste três guardas prisionais a dar formação por um período de um ano.
sexta-feira, agosto 22, 2008
The Reinado Tapes
The Australian - Friday, August 22, 2008
Features: The Reinado Tapes
Paul Toohey
Jose Ramos Horta and Alfredo Reinado had reached an impasse at their final encounter, writes Paul Toohey
A SECRET recording of the last meeting between East Timor's President Jose Ramos Horta and rebel leader Alfredo Reinado reveals that the two men had run out of ways to end a stalemate that had held the country moribund for almost two years.
The recording, obtained by The Australian, was made by Reinado on January 13 on a small digital recorder hidden in his top pocket at a meeting in the western hilltop town of Maubisse.
Just before Reinado died, he handed it to a friend for safekeeping.
Reinado was gunned down at almost point-blank range inside Ramos Horta's villa on February 11, while the President survived after being shot twice, apparently by Reinado's rebels. The rebels say Reinado told them he had a 6am appointment with Ramos Horta and point out they dawdled on the way to Dili, stopping in places to kill time to arrive at the appointed hour.
Although no one suggests Ramos Horta made the appointment, the January meeting reveals how frustrated he and senior government figures had become with Reinado. It is possible that Reinado, who was relying on Ramos Horta to solve his problems, lost patience and stormed Ramos Horta's villa.
An alternative theory is that Reinado had been falsely informed the President wanted to see him and was set up for his death by powerbrokers who sought his elimination.
Ramos Horta had warned Reinado that if an agreement was not reached on that day, then ``there are no more other opportunities. If the President of the republic has come and a
solution is not found, then what other solution is there? These are my words.''
Four men attended the meeting: Ramos Horta, Economy and Development Minister Joao Goncalves, Reinado and Reinado's second-in-command Gastao Salsinha, who is now in jail.
Waiting outside was Major Mike Stone of the Australian Defence Force, now assigned to Ramos Horta's staff; and Reinado's lawyer, Benevides Correia Barros.
The meeting was a failed final attempt to end a two-year impasse that plunged the country into civil strife after about 600 soldiers from western Timor deserted and fled to the hills, claiming the army leadership was favouring soldiers from the east for promotion. Reinado eventually joined the petitioners, but his case was different: the courts had issued an arrest warrant for him on murder charges, after he had engaged in a deadly firefight with the army in 2006.
Ramos Horta went to the meeting believing that the group acting as mediators between him and Reinado, the Movement for National Unity and Justice (MUNJ), had secured a commitment from the rebel to surrender weapons he had unlawfully seized from border police in early 2007.
Ramos Horta discovered that Reinado had made no such promise.
The rebel argued he had shown good faith in 2006 by surrendering his weapons to then president Xanana Gusmao. He said Gusmao had promised that the surrender was just a formality intended to restore public faith and that he would get his weapons back.
Reinado told Ramos Horta that Gusmao had betrayed him by not returning the weapons, and this led him to raid the border posts to obtain guns.
Ramos Horta regarded the surrender of weapons as essential for him to offer Reinado a guarantee of amnesty in the context of the murder charges.
``You told MUNJ you accepted the solution of compromise that I have presented,'' the President said.
Reinado said: ``I have the right, as military, to protect myself.''
Ramos Horta, angrily: ``We have spoken of this many times, major.''
Reinado: ``And I have never changed my position, Mr President.''
Ramos Horta reminded Reinado that he, not Reinado, was supreme commander of the army. ``The command does some things wrong but there is in no country or any state which, after such efforts, would accept your attitude,'' he said.
``Many opportunities have been given to you. Many opportunities. I have said many times already that during these months that good, positive behaviour will help to stabilise the situation.
``Many people don't understand; many suspect that I would also support you from behind. I don't. I only look to do dialogue and dialogue and dialogue. I try to look at the problems from each side.
``However, major Alfredo Reinado, the moment has come that we must go forward, meet each other, to bow to each other, because the reason is not 100 per cent on your side or 100 per cent on the side of the Government or FFDTL (the Timorese defence force). If you want to show the community that we can find solutions for the problem and show that only you are right, then there is no solution.''
The recording adds force to the argument that Reinado's lover, Angelita Pires, who has been accused of being Reinado's puppeteer, was not as influential as has been claimed. Pires was
not at the meeting and Reinado's stubbornness is clearly of his own making.
Reinado had earlier written to the President saying he was prepared to be placed under house arrest in Dili, with a New Zealand guard, while awaiting his trial in a military court. (Timor has no such court.) He no longer trusted Australian troops because he felt they were encroaching on his turf.
The President said it would be better if Reinado stayed out of Dili and that he would have to surrender to the authorities for house arrest while awaiting trial. But ``that is only a formality'', he added. He said he would use ``indirect pressure'' to persuade the prosecutor-general to allow Reinado to remain free while awaiting trial.
However, Ramos Horta warned that he had no power over the courts, even though he had infuriated them by ignoring the warrants and issuing freedom-of-movement letters that ordered
the security forces not to arrest Reinado. Ramos Horta said an amnesty law would be passed on May 20 that could lead to his freedom. But Reinado was aware the President had no legislative
power and could guarantee no such outcome.
Salsinha insisted he and the petitioners were still serving members of the army. However, Salsinha and his men had been sacked in early 2006 and Ramos Horta made it clear that the
army's head, Brigadier General Taur Matan Ruak, did not want them back. ``Taur says we will not accept them to come back because we already sacked them,'' the President told the rebels.
He said he would return to Dili and try to persuade Matan Ruak that the soldiers could reapply to join the army or be paid out to go away.
Reinado retorted that all serving members of the military -- not just the rebels -- should be put through a triaging process to reapply for the military and to prove their worth. He challenged
serving soldiers to a physical test to see who was better.
Ramos Horta was contemptuous of Salsinha and did not address him by his rank.
He took a different view of Reinado, regarding him as a serving officer who needed to face justice.
In a strange aside, the President said to Reinado: ``While we are in this process, I ask yourselves to please keep an eye. I heard that from the border the Indonesians are bringing weapons in.''
Reinado agreed this was the case and asked the President to give him the authority to raise a battalion to protect the border. Ramos Horta did not respond.
The meeting ended after one more attempt by Ramos Horta to persuade Reinado to surrender his weapons. ``No, Mr President,'' Reinado responded. ``It's like this. I also have the right to
protect myself.''
Ramos Horta made a half-hearted suggestion that they meet again in a few days, but no date was set. It appears as though Ramos Horta had given up on Reinado. The two men never saw each other again.
Goncalves told a reporter after the shootings that Reinado had agreed to surrender and submit to justice on January 13. ``He agreed. A deal was essentially done,'' Goncalves was reported as
saying. That clearly was not the case.
Three days after the meeting, Leon de Riedmatten from the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue wrote to Reinado on behalf of Ramos Horta, informing him that the military was reluctant to
reintegrate the petitioners into the army but reassuring him that he would remain free and that no military operation would be conducted against him.
Gusmao, the East Timorese army, the Australian-led International Stabilisation Force and the courts had all tired of Reinado and regarded him as a common criminal.
Ramos Horta, the Nobel peace laureate, was the only one who saw hope. The President was the only one Reinado would listen to.
But after two years of Reinado demanding justice but refusing to face the courts, it is clear that Ramos Horta, too, was running out of patience.
De Riedmatten told Reinado the President had to travel overseas in January and would not be able to meet him that month. He promised that Ramos Horta would meet him again ``before the
middle of February''. However, the President made further plans to travel overseas in mid-February and again cancelled the meeting with Reinado.
On February 6, Australian troops entered Reinado's hilltop zone, which led to a three-hour stand-off, with the rebels firing shots in the air. It is possible that Reinado thought he was
close to being arrested and that his one hope in the world, Ramos Horta, had left him for dead.
Novos políticos preparam futuro
Rádio Renascença
19-08-2008 10:00
A historia do país escreve-se com nomes ligados à resistência, mas agora há uma nova geração de dirigentes timorenses a preparar-se para liderar o país.
Ramos Horta, Xanana Gusmão, Mari Alkatiri e os irmãos Carrascalão. Há varias décadas que são estes os rostos da politica timorense, antes e depois da independência. Mas há caras novas à espreita.
“A nossa geração, dentro em breve, terá de ser reformada e eles estão mais preparados do que nós, quando tínhamos a sua idade, inclusive alguns já são ministros”, afirma Mário Carrascalão, líder do PSD timorense.
É o caso do actual chefe da diplomacia, Zacarias da Costa, mas, também, de Arcangelo Leite, o ministro da Administração Estatal, agora com 42 anos. Aos poucos vai-se afirmando uma nova geração de políticos, incluindo o líder do PD, que é também presidente do Parlamento e assumiu interinamente a chefia do Estado, após o atentado contra Ramos Horta. Fernando Lassama Araújo, diz que não faltam novos políticos. “A nova geração está a formar-se com o seu envolvimento no Parlamento Nacional e no Governo. Está mostrar competências e capacidades elevadas”.
Também a Fretilin, na oposição, está a preparar novos quadros. Mari Alkatiri lembra, por exemplo, que Arsenio Bano já é vice-presidente do partido aos 33 anos.
Cx/Pedro Mesquita
Informação Imprensa: Visita a Timor-Leste de S. Ex.ª o Ministro da Justiça de Portugal
Embaixada de Portugal em Díli - 21 de Agosto de 2008
A Embaixada de Portugal informa que S. Ex.ª o Ministro da Justiça de Portugal, Dr. Alberto Costa, realizará entre 21 e 23 do corrente, uma Visita à República Democrática de Timor-Leste, a convite da sua homóloga, Dra. Lúcia Lobato, com o objectivo de estreitar os laços de amizade e cooperação existentes.
S. Ex.ª o Ministro da Justiça de Portugal manterá encontros com Suas Excelências o Presidente da República, o Presidente do Parlamento Nacional, o Primeiro Ministro, o Presidente do Tribunal de Recurso, o Procurador-Geral da República, o Provedor dos Direitos Humanos e Justiça, o Secretário-Geral da FRETILIN, e com o Representante Especial do Secretário-Geral das Nações Unidas.
Durante a deslocação a Timor-Leste, com o objectivo de aprofundar o apoio ao fortalecimento do sistema de Justiça, encontra-se prevista a assinatura de um protocolo de cooperação bilateral entre os Ministérios da Justiça de Portugal e de Timor-Leste, e de um protocolo definidor do enquadramento das futuras missões de magistrados portugueses em Timor-Leste, entre o Ministério da Justiça de Portugal, o Ministério da Justiça de Timor-Leste e o Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento (PNUD).
S. Ex.ª o Ministro da Justiça de Portugal prestará igualmente homenagem às vítimas do massacre de Santa Cruz e deslocar-se-á ao Museu e Arquivo da Resistência Timorense. Manterá também contacto com juristas e técnicos portugueses, e com representantes das Forças de Segurança e Forças Armadas de Portugal que exercem funções em Timor-Leste.
No quadro do Programa Indicativo de Cooperação 2007-2010, celebrado entre os Governos de Portugal e de Timor-Leste, a cooperação no sector da Justiça constitui um dos eixos prioritários de intervenção da Cooperação Portuguesa. O apoio e o desenvolvimento de projectos de cooperação no sector da Justiça resulta da definição prévia de prioridades e necessidades pelas autoridades timorenses, donde tem decorrido a necessária articulação com os demais parceiros internacionais, com o intuito de contribuir para o fortalecimento do Estado de Direito e o respeito pelos Direitos do Homem em Timor-Leste.
Science doesn't back Ramos Horta story
The Australian
Comment Paul Toohey August 19, 2008
EAST Timor President Jose Ramos Horta has delivered a furious tirade against The Australian, accusing it of inventing an article.
The story in The Australian said rebel leader Major Alfredo Reinado was shot dead at almost point-blank range inside his compound on February 11.
Ramos Horta told the Timor Post that this newspaper and Australian forensic authorities were trying to destabilise his nation by suggesting Reinado and his offsider, Leopoldino Exposto, were shot at close range.
The President and the Timor Post have misunderstood the story. They seem to think The Australian commissioned an independent report from the Victorian Institute of Medicine on Reinado’s wounds.
The story was in fact based on the Reinado autopsy conducted first-hand by East Timor’s head forensic pathologist, Dr Muhumad Nurul Islam.
Dr Nurul reported that Reinado had blackening and burning around each of his four bullet wounds and said he had been shot with a high-velocity rifle “at close range”.
Dr Nurul said Leopoldino was shot in the centre of the back of his head, also at close range.
Dr Nurul’s report raised questions of reported claims that Reinado had been shot at a distance of 10m to 15m by a guard who had taken up a sniper position.
The Australian went to Professor David Ranson, of the Victoria Institute of Forensic medicine to ask about the general nature of gunshot wounds. Professor Ranson said that blackening and burning only appeared when a gun was fired at almost point-blank range.
This was not just Professor Ranson’s view. Forensic pathologists across the world agree this only occurs when rifles are fired at near-contact, or point-blank, range.
One inference to draw from this is that Reinado and Leopoldino were executed or possibly detained before being shot.
The President has reason to be angry, but not at The Australian or the Victorian Institute of Medicine.
He should be angry that he was left lying wounded on a road outside his compound for 30 minutes before help arrived.
Where were his guards when he was fighting for life?
He should be angry that his personal security guard who accompanied him for his morning jog along the beach allowed him to return to his home with gunfire ringing out across the valley.
He should be angry that security forces – local and international - did not catch the rebels that morning as they raced off and hid in the nearby hills.
He should also be angry that UN and police investigators allowed people to tramp all over the crime scene, even answering Reinado’s phone as he lay dead inside the President’s compound.
He should look again at the photos of the dead Reinado, and ask himself why Reinado’s body can be seen in different positions. The body has been tampered with.
Because the rebels escaped, they had time to stash or switch weapons, meaning reliable ballistics information pertaining to the weapons used that morning has been lost.
Most of all, the President should be angry with himself.
It was Ramos Horta who acted unconstitutionally in drawing up “letters of comfort” that allowed the armed rebels with arrest warrants to remain free, despite the repeated demands of the Dili Court that they be detained.
This deeply annoyed the Australian-led International Stabilisation Force, who believed Reinado was a common criminal who needed to be brought to justice.
But Ramos Horta had an unflagging self-belief that he, and he alone, could resolve the crisis. Events show that he could not.
Ramos Horta maintains that Reinado and Leopoldino were shot from a distance. Science suggests otherwise.
NOTA:
As forças militares australianas pactuaram com Ramos-Horta e não o aconselharam nunca a deter Reinado.
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