UNMIT Daily Media Review - 30 May 2008

(International news reports and extracts from national media. UNMIT does not vouch for the accuracy of these reports)

UNMIT celebrates International Peacekeepers Day – Timor Post, Diario Nacional and Televisaun Timor-Leste

The United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) celebrated the 60th anniversary of UN Peacekeeping on Thursday (29/5) in Dili.

The celebration was attended by PR José Ramos-Horta, PM Xanana Gusmão, Timor-Leste Independence Proclamator Francisco Xavier do Amaral, the Special Representative of Secretary-General (SRSG) Atul Khare, other senior leaders of Timor-Leste and the diplomatic corps.

During his speech, SRSG Atul Khare paid homage to those lost their life in keeping the peace.

“It is always difficult to come to terms with the loss of a beloved one. But when the families mourn for a spouse, father, brother, or son who died in a far off land that many of them never visited, it is simply unimaginable. I pray for peace to all those who died in the service of the United Nations for the cause of peace and stability of Timor-Leste and for courage to their bereaved families and friends,” stated SRSG Khare.

President José Ramos-Horta told the gathering he was happy to join the ceremony to celebrate the 60th Peacekeepers Day in Timor-Leste.

“It is 60 years since the United Nations began sending men and women, the blue berets, to many nations.

Today is the day to give tribute to all the peacekeepers in the world, especially those who are in Timor-Leste, along with civilian staff and Timorese staff who, during the popular consultation, died and suffered as UN peacekeepers,” said PR Ramos-Horta.

The ceremony included songs and performances by school children and local musicians, and the reciting of poetry. Prayers were offered by representatives of the main religious groups.


Mario Carrascalão: asking the Government to cancel MAF-Indonesian MOU – Televisaun Timor-Leste

PSD Member of Parliament Mario Carrascalão is asking the Government to cancel the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) signed between the Ministry of Agriculture, Forests-Fishery (MAF) and the Indonesian Government.

Last Monday in National Parliament Mario said the MOU was a secret agreement that will not be beneficial for the population.

“We ask this MOU to be cancelled because they signed it in secret. There should not be a law that is created only for the interest of the Government. We do not agree at all with them to sell the land to Indonesia, as stated in the MOU that TL will give a concession to Indonesia for two years to use 100,000 hectares of land,” Mr. Carrascalão said.

In response to this, the permanent secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture said the agreement was not secret because at that time journalists were invited to the signing.

“This agreement is not secret. We just want to say that on 15 January 2008 when we signed the MOU, it was witnessed by many journalists as well broadcast on TVTL that the Ministry of Agriculture had signed an MOU with a company named "GT. Leste Birotec,” explained Lourenço Borges Fontes.

He added that this agreement may be cancelled if there has been no activity from the time of the signature up to now.


PM Xanana: the Government has no authority to regulate international market prices – Diario Nacional Televisaun Timor-Leste

After attending the weekly meeting with President Horta in Farol on Thursday (29/5), Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão said that the Government has no authority to regulate prices because they depends on the international market.

“Suppose the price in the world is regulated, the price of rice in the nations which produce the rice is marked down, the price of petrol is regulated, and you do not need to ask me because everything will decrease by itself. Timor Leste a small country which is dependent on the fluctuations of foreign countries. If the price increases in the foreign countries, we will suffer the same thing in our country. So it is not for Timor Leste government to normalize the price because this crisis is affecting all nations in the world”, said PM Xanana.


TL pays homage to UN Peacekeepers – Radio Timor-Leste

TL gives homage to UN Peacekeepers who sacrifice their lives for UN missions in conflict nations including TL (Horta).

We give our homage to all UN members who had sacrifice their lives in the service of peace in conflict nations around the world. Sergio Vieira de Mello and his compatriots died in Baghdad (Iraq), because of UN efforts to maintain peace and stability in the world,” said PR Horta during a briefing after the celebration of the 60th anniversary of UN Peacekeeping in Balide, Dili on Thursday (29/5).


Government: to take 3% of petroleum funds as social subsidiary – Radio Timor-Leste

Prime Minister Xanana said that the government will take 3% of petroleum funds to give subsidize social programs.

“The food crisis is an issue around the world, not only in TL. The government should allocate funds to respond to needs of society,” said PM Xanana during ameeting with President Horta in the government palace yesterday (29/5).

MSS: plan to have department to protect children rights – Radio Timor-Leste

Minister of Social and Solidarity Maria Domingas Alves said on Thursday (29/5) in Delta Nova, Comoro that the Ministry of Social and Solidarity will create a new program and plan to establish a department to protect child rights. The department will focus on runaways, children who need protection from abuse within the home, and those who are facing violence.


Fr. Martinho: Peace stops violence – Diario Nacional

The Director of Peace and Justice of Baucau Diocese, Fr. Martinho Gusmão said that only peace could stop the violence in the world, especially in Timor-Leste. The observance of the 60th Anniversary of UN Peacekeeping was important to build unity and peace in the world, as UN missions to Timor-Leste have shown over the last few years.

“With this kind of ceremony we could work hard to build peace. Peace can not stand alone – it is always side by side with justice and unity to determine the destiny of the people and this country,” said Fr. Martinho at the ceremony of UN Peacekeepers Day in Balide, Dili on Thursday (29/5)


Pardon to Rogerio: MPs ask PR Horta retract his statement – Suara Timor Lorosa’e

Members of the National Parliament are asking President José Ramos-Horta to withdraw his statement concerning the pardon of former Minister of Interior Rogerio Tiago Lobato in which he said that many of the Rogerio’s family died in the fight for the country's liberation.

“The president should give a pardon based on his authority and not because someone's family died during the struggle,” said CNRT MP Natalino dos Santos on Thursday (29/5) in the National Parliament.

The big impact [of the president’s pardon] is setting a bad precedent to the nation – there is no legal basis on which to give a pardon based on family members who died during the war.

President Ramos-Horta did not comment on the request even though journalists have been questioning him about the pardon and his recent statements

Indonesia-Australia ties: What went wrong? – The Jakarta Post, 30 May

CANBERRA (JP): As the Timor crisis deepened in 1999, relations between Australia and Indonesia soured, and then deteriorated seriously, sharply and unexpectedly in September-October.

After a decade of seemingly positive and broad-based expansion, developing into what some came to regard as an emerging 'special relationship', these two months witnessed unprecedented recrimination and antagonism.

Although an open, formal rift was avoided, the cooling of relations was reflected in public statements made at the highest level.

President Habibie referred in the Indonesian parliament to Australia's unwelcome 'interference in Indonesian affairs', while Prime Minister Howard spoke of the need to assert 'Australian values' in the region rather than kowtowing to the policies of neighbors, referring (implicitly) especially to Indonesia.

At the heart of the matter was the crisis in East Timor. The extensive and almost instantaneous coverage by the international electronic media of the tragic events in Timor, together with its tendency to highlight isolated and extreme reactions in both countries, heightened the sense of crisis.

It contributed to emotional responses. Australian unions boycotted Indonesian ships and Garuda passengers were harassed, the Indonesian flag was burnt and the Indonesian Ambassador could not enter his office for over a week.

In Indonesia, in response, there was an almost continuous demonstration outside the Australian embassy, seemingly (if TV shots were to be believed) verging on violence.

Australian offices were attacked and Australian citizens threatened. At the nadir of the relationship in early October 1999, Indonesians saw Australia -- seemingly too enthusiastically -- take the lead in the formation of a multinational force, UNAMET, to restore order following the post referendum militia rampage in Timor.

But many Indonesians saw Australians zealously entering 'their territory'(as most Indonesians regarded East Timor then), and behaving in a militaristic and bellicose fashion -- the armed Australian soldier standing over the defenseless Timorese youth, for example.

How and why was the relationship so easily and quickly derailed? And where do we go from here?

Answers to these questions are important, not just for Australia and Indonesia but, more broadly -- since the two countries are the dominant powers of the South Pacific and Southeast Asia respectively -- for the harmony of the region.

It was not just the Australian actions which angered many Indonesians. Australia's style was unpalatable. Indonesia expected its neighbor to show some understanding of Jakarta's predicament (at least that of a weak civilian government), and to help calm the situation.

But instead Australia appeared to take the lead in condemning Indonesia. The voice of Australia -- its media, its politicians and its people -- appeared more strident than any other. Even liberal-minded and sympathetic Indonesian figures, such as Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and journalist Wimar Witoelar, saw Australian reactions as 'arrogant' or 'insensitive', its words and actions smacking more of a colonial power than an understanding neighbor.

Conversely, in September, Australians watched each night on television the abuse of a poor and innocent people, whose only 'crime' was that they clearly and decisively voted for Independence.

Why couldn't the all-powerful Indonesia military assist these people and control the violence, Australians (and indeed the world) asked.

Why was the government in Jakarta so seemingly two-faced in response to international criticism?

The immediate cause of tension -- a process of decolonization, strongly opposed by elements of the Indonesian military and equally strongly supported by large sections of the Australian public, and by their government -- which erupted in violence, was as difficult a problem as most neighbors will ever face.

In one sense, it was a credit to the leaders of both countries that diplomatic relations remained open, despite many calls from their domestic constituencies for radical action.

But beyond the immediate rift, ill-informed recriminations and the proliferation of stereotypes revealed that there is still a fundamental lack of understanding of national characteristics and political processes in each country -- a lack of understanding which was all too easily manipulated by mischievous elements on both sides.

Among these caricatures of each other, Indonesians often view Australians as white, racist, rich, arrogant, and possessing an unrivaled propensity to lecture other countries.

On the other hand, many Australians continue to view Indonesia (even after fall of the Soeharto) as corrupt, brutal, militaristic, authoritarian, and maintaining an iron grip on a reluctant non-Javanese citizenry in the eastern provinces.

Like all caricatures, there is an element of truth in these views. But as generalizations they are seriously distorted. Many Australians, especially in the media, failed -- or didn't want -- to recognize, the broad-based improvements in Indonesian living standards since the mid 1960s, across both socio-economic groups and its far-flung regions.

Australians have also tended to pay scant attention to deep historical and cultural sensitivities. Having never been a poverty stricken colony, never been invaded by a foreign power, and never had to fight a protracted and bloody war of Independence, most Australians don't have the historical perspective to understand Indonesian sensitivities on key issues.

Flag-burning, for example, arouses little passion in Australia, yet for most Indonesians it is a highly provocative action.

With a hard-fought Independence achieved just two generations ago, destruction and defamation of national symbols by a neighbor is quite shocking to many Indonesians.

The fact that Australians are predominantly rich and white, and are culturally disposed towards frank and blunt expressions of opinion abroad -- mirroring the style of domestic debate -- further complicates the issue. These misperceptions work in both directions, however. It is true that Australia maintained a discriminatory immigration policy until about 1970 (the so-called 'White Australia Policy'), and that for the first 180 years of European settlement the treatment of aboriginal people was disgraceful.

But things have changed much in Australia over the past 30 years. Australia now has an open, non-discriminatory immigration program, matched by very few countries.

The resulting societal transformation has been rapid and Australia is arguably one of the world's most vibrant multi-cultural societies.

Its generous refugee program has few parallels, certainly in this region. It is true that this 'multiracialism has been strongly criticized at home -- the 'Pauline Hanson' factor.

But the immigration program continues to attract bi-partisan political support. The One Nation party is now in decline and never captured vote’s ona scale comparable to similar parties in the U.S. and Europe.

It is also true that Australia's aboriginal community (numbering about 250,000 persons) have unacceptably low living standards. But there are many ‘positive discrimination' programs and the community's problems are openly acknowledged and debated within and outside government.

In addition, Australia continues to be one of the major donors to Indonesia, including a generous scholarship program. It strongly supported the international financial rescue effort in the wake of the economic crisis and, despite fiscal austerity at home; the real value of aid has been broadly maintained.

Australia's per capita income is now below both Singapore and Hong Kong, neither of whom provides aid to Indonesia.

The Australian press is often seen as a complicating factor in bilateral relations. It is easy to understand Indonesians' anger here: in recent times, the extraordinarily rude and ill-informed television interview with the Indonesian ambassador on a commercial network, and the 60 Minutes team crassly walking into a 'minefield' by asking queuing East Timorese how they would vote in the referendum.

More generally, many Australian journalists, with their single-minded focus on human rights, East Timor, and corruption, have failed dismally to present a balanced picture of the complexity of Indonesia.

There is no doubt that, rightly or wrongly, the murder of five journalists in Balibo in late 1975 has contributed to this press hostility towards Indonesia. But, while Indonesian dismay is quite understandable, here too the issue is not amenable to sweeping generalizations. There have been some very fine Australian journalists in Indonesia, particularly in the print media.

Indonesia's sometimes heavy handed press controls needlessly antagonized the foreign (and of course the domestic) press. And the problems with the Australian press have arisen in part from proximity and familiarity.

The New York Times, London's Guardian, Dutch papers, the BBC and CNN have often been just as critical as Australian outlets. But because there are not as many of them, and they don't report as often, the tensions have not been so great.


The 60th anniversary of UN peacekeeping – The Manila Times, 29 May

By Ban Ki-moon, UN Secretary-General

(For more than 50 years, the Philippines has sent hundreds of troops overseas for peacekeeping in fulfillment of its international obligations. From South Korea in the 1950s to Timor Leste in the ‘00’ decade, Filipino soldiers and police officers, under the auspices of the United Nations, have taken part in humanitarian missions to keep the peace and to help rebuild in formerly war-torn countries. We pay them tribute on this day, the 60th year of UN peacekeeping.)

This year, the annual International Day of UN Peacekeepers also marks the 60th anniversary of UN peacekeeping. Six decades ago today, the Security Council established our first peacekeeping mission. Most of the peacekeepers came from a handful of European and American countries and they were mostly unarmed military men observing and monitoring cease-fire lines.

Since then, peacekeeping has developed into a flagship enterprise of our Organization. Today, we have more than 110,000 men and women deployed in conflict zones around the world. They come from nearly 120 countries—an all-time high, reflecting confidence in United Nations peacekeeping. They come from nations large and small, rich and poor—some of them countries recently afflicted by war themselves. They bring different cultures and experiences to the job, but they are united in their determination to foster peace. Some are in uniform but many are civilians and their activities go far beyond monitoring.

They train police, disarm ex-combatants, support elections and help build State institutions. They build bridges, repair schools, assist flood victims and protect women from sexual violence. They uphold human rights and promote gender equality. Thanks to their efforts, life-saving humanitarian assistance can be delivered and economic development can begin.

In the past year, I have visited peacekeepers in Africa, Asia, the Middle East and the Caribbean. I have seen refugees returning home, children heading back to school, citizens once again secure under the rule of law. I have seen whole societies moving, with the help of the peacekeepers, from devastation to rejuvenation. In Haiti, in Liberia, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo the blue helmets have provided breathing space for a fragile peace to take hold.

We could not do this job without our partners in regional organizations. The African Union and the UN are deploying our first hybrid force in Darfur. And we are working with the European Union in neighboring Chad and the Central African Republic.

More than half of all our Member States contribute troops and police to peacekeeping operations. We are grateful to every one of them. Our special thanks go to the top contributors: Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Nigeria and Nepal. Together, these nations of the south contribute nearly half of the UN’s peacekeepers.

This anniversary is an occasion to celebrate, but also to mourn our fallen colleagues. Over these six decades, more than two thousand and four hundred men and women have died serving the cause of peace. Just last year alone, we lost 87 brave individuals.

Each one is a hero. Today, we recommit ourselves to ensuring that their sacrifices are never forgotten, and the vital work of the blue helmets continues as long as they are needed.


Australia provides E Timor election funds – ABC Radio Australia, 29 May
Australia is providing almost $US300, 000 for electoral bodies in East Timor.

The funds will be used for a wide range of activities including updating the voter registration roll, revision of the electoral laws and planning and conducting voter and civic education as well as preparation for the local elections.

The funds will be allocated by Australia's overseas aid program, AusAID.

AusAID, a key partner of United Nations Development Program in East Timor, last year provided around $1.25 million for the 2007 elections.

East Timor to use oil fund to stabilize prices – Reuters (India), 29 May

DILI, May 29 (Reuters) - East Timor will use a fraction of its oil fund worth over $2 billion to protect the poor from rising food and fuel prices, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao said on Thursday.

Gusmão said he would take three percent from the fund to stabilize prices and to import rice, fuel and construction materials. The oil fund was created from revenue earned from the country's oil and gas sector in 2005 in order to amass money for future generations of Timorese.

Gusmão said the government decided to use a portion of the money, which is deposited in a U.S. bank, because some countries had not made good on their promises to provide aid.

"We are ashamed if we keep asking donors to give us money to resolve our problems," he told reporters. "Sometimes they renege on their promises."

East Timor, one of the world's poorest countries, is vulnerable to rising food prices in the international market because it relies on imports for nearly 60 percent of its rice needs.

Indonesia occupied East Timor for 23 years before the former Portuguese colony voted in favour of independence in a United Nations-sponsored ballot in 1999.

As Asia's youngest nation, the country is still struggling to achieve stability despite its rich oil and gas resources.


Intervening in conflict-ridden states – seattlepi.com (The Economist), 29 May

Nearly seven years after the toppling of the Taliban, Afghanistan's future is still up for grabs. Despite tens of thousands of foreign troops, and billions of dollars in aid, the country remains stricken by poverty and insurgency.

Kabul seems like the capital of an occupied country. Foreign diplomats and United Nations officials are forbidden to walk the streets alone, because of the risk of kidnap; so they cruise behind the tinted windows of their four-wheel-drives. Many big roads are concrete anti-terrorist obstacle courses.

After recent suicide bombings in the capital, it too is a front line.

Afghanistan's troubles are, of course, unique, especially in the viciousness and extent of its continuing insurgency, most often compared with Iraq's. But this is in fact only one of four foreign interventions in conflict-ridden states in Asia in recent years. The others -- in Cambodia, Timor-Leste and Nepal -- offer revealing parallels with Afghanistan.

Perhaps the clearest of all is that, despite the huge difficulties it presents -- in Afghanistan above all -- holding an election is the easy part.

Voters have consistently surprised observers with their enthusiasm, their maturity and their refusal to be cowed by the threat of violence. This was movingly so in a parliamentary election in Cambodia in 1993; in a referendum on independence in the then East Timor in 1999 and in its constituent-assembly and presidential elections in 2001-02; and in this year's constituent-assembly election in Nepal.

But the losing party in Cambodia's election responded by threatening the future of the peace process and then muscled its way back into government, where it still sits.

The referendum in East Timor was followed by an orgy of Indonesia-inspired arson, looting and violence. The elections there led to an unstable government and to renewed violence in 2006. Following Nepal's election, to the surprise and alarm of many observers, the Maoists have emerged as the biggest single party.

In Afghanistan, parliament houses many of the warlords who have wreaked such havoc in the country. As one veteran observer laments, a crucial mistake was made at the outset: not allowing the government and its foreign supporters a monopoly on the means of violence.

Another point in common to all four places is made by a senior U.N. official: that, in these rebuilding exercises, the outside world always tends to neglect the importance of "justice." Understandably, in the interests of reconciliation and peace, there is a reluctance to countenance a confrontational settling of accounts.

In Cambodia it was only last year, after most of the Khmer Rouge leaders had died, that trials began of those who survived. In Timor-Leste, inquiries into past atrocities have not been allowed for fear of jeopardizing relations with Indonesia; it has been deemed better to forget than to forgive. In Nepal, both the Maoists and the former royal army have strong reason to want to avoid any probe into their past behavior.

Similarly in Afghanistan, there has been no accountability for past crimes. Nor can there be: the government relies on the support of some of those who stand accused of war crimes.

That is in part a consequence of the government's most glaring weakness: the shortage of literate, capable, honest people to staff an administration. The lament repeated by every section of the foreign community is about the lack of "human capital," or, if the speaker is feeling self-accusatory, about the failure of "capacity- building."

This too is a problem familiar from, for example, Cambodia and East Timor -- warfare and hardship wreck education systems and send millions into exile. If they come back at all, after peace returns, there is little financial or other incentive for the talented ones to work for the government.

Most find it more attractive to work for the U.N., or foreign governments and charities -- and so it is easier for the foreigners to do the jobs themselves. But they risk leaving behind them a dangerous vacuum, or perhaps worse: never being able to leave at all.


EAST TIMOR/INDONESIA: Reconciliation at the Cost of Justice? – IPS, 30 May

(IPS) - East Timor President Jose Ramos Horta's decision to pardon those involved in the 1999 killings, and the violent incidents of 2006, has thrown a shadow over the fledgling country's justice system and efforts at reconciliation with former occupiers Indonesia.

"The president's decision will influence people’s minds about the judicial system... how serious crimes committed can be pardoned," said Casmiro Dos Santos, acting director of JSMP, a local non-government organisation (NGO) that monitors human rights and justice in East Timor.

Horta used his presidential prerogative to "grant pardons and commute sentences after consultation with the government". A decree was delivered on May 20 coinciding with the tiny nation's sixth anniversary of independence.

The pardon applies to Rogerio Lobato, former interior minister in the Fretilin government, imprisoned because of his involvement in arms distribution to civilians in 2006.

Seven former militia members who were involved in the 1999 killings that followed the vote for independence and the retreat of Indonesia's armed forces from East Timor were also pardoned.

One of these is Joni Marques, leader of the Tim Alfa militia, who viciously attacked a car full of nuns and priests in the Los Palos sub- district of Lautem in the eastern side of East Timor. Marques was jailed for 33 years in 2001 in the country's first trial for crimes against humanity.

In all, 94 listed prisoners were given full or partial pardon by Horta.

According to the criteria written in the presidential decree, those eligible to get their sentences halved need to have completed a quarter of the sentence. But Lobato served time for less than two months and then flew to Malaysia for health treatment.

By not recognizing the bloody events that took place in 1999 and the involvement of Indonesia's military in them, both countries have made the reconciliation process meaningless, say critics.

After East Timor declared its independence in late 1975 it was invaded and occupied by Indonesia only to relinquish control in 1999, following a U.N.-sponsored referendum.

Among the politicians who have expressed reservations over the pardon policy is Fernanda Borges, president of the minority pro-justice party PUN. "There are no systems in place to judge whether the person has behaved, whether the person has contributed to giving further information to help the judicial process, and what the victims' response to this is," she said.

"All this needs to be weighed very carefully so that we don't create a perception . . . that there is impunity in this country, that you can do whatever you want, you can kill people, have human rights violations and be pardoned by the president,'' Borges was quoted as saying at a briefing.

But what many find troubling is that Indonesia's military has not embraced the reforms adopted by other government institutions. The United Nations' Committee against Torture report on Indonesia, released mid-May, found widespread use of torture and routine ill-treatment of suspects in police custody. "The state should not establish nor engage in any reconciliation mechanism that promoted amnesties for perpetrators of acts of torture, war crimes or crimes against humanity," the U.N. body recommended.

UNMIT Daily Media Review - 29 May 2008

(International news reports and extracts from national media. UNMIT does not vouch for the accuracy of these reports)

Ed: people wait for prices to go down; MPs wait for luxurious cars – Timor Post

The previous Government once had plan to buy cars for the leaders. This was at a time when people earned US$ 0.50 cents per day. The current Government also has the same plan.

When the Fretilin Government planned to buy cars, many people including those who are at the benches of current parliament said they needed to defend the interest of the people and were satisfied with their monthly salary. But when the time comes to rule – principles change.

Lu-Olo: Fretilin-ASDT continuing their platform to rule – Timor Post

Fretilin and ASDT began implementing their platform when ASDT President Francisco Xavier do Amaral, with his Acting Secretary-General Francisco Gomes, said they would withdraw the party from AMP.

Fretilin President Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo said that Fretilin-ASDT will implement their programs as outlined in their accord.

“Together, we will correction the bad mistakes of the AMP Government in order to move the nation forward.

The AMP Government does not deserve to serve the people, as it is creating problems in the country,” Mr. Lu-Olo said.

The withdrawal of ASDT from AMP may guarantee early elections, he added..

The President of Fretilin President also said that there are many ways and mechanisms which can be used to force early elections, even though AMP still holds a majority in the National Parliament.

The Minister of Economy and Development, João Gonçalves said that the AMP’s development programs are moving forward and there will not be early elections.

“Dr. Mari Alkatiri is frightened because AMP is beginning to do something. This means that they want early elections,” said Mr. Gonçalves on Wednesday (28/5) in the Government Palace, Dili.

Mr. Gonçalves also said that the AMP Government and political leaders will not permit early elections.

UNDERTIM: we will never let AMP be brought down – Diario Nacional

Regarding political statements by the leader of ASDT who decided to withdraw from the AMP coalition, the UNDERTIM bench chief in the parliament, Cornelio Gama ‘L-7,’ said that he will never let the AMP Government be rocked during its term in government.

“We have reasons not to let the AMP government fall. We believe and guarantee that AMP will bring development to the people and we also do not want AMP shaken – we have the same principles, we want to solve the nation’s problems,” said Mr. L-7 on Wednesday (28/5) in the National Parliament, Dili.

According to Mr. L-7, at present the AMP Government is solving IDPs’ and the petitioners’ problems, and improving people’s lives.

Regarding statement of the ASDT leaders, L-7 said that it is difficult to bring down the AMP Government as all the veterans are gathered together at this time to support the Xanana-led government.

Gil Alves: Xavier’s retirement was an individual decision – Suara Timor Lorosa’e, Timor Post and Diario Nacional

MP ASDT Gil Alves said that he considers the declaration of the ASDT president Francisco Xavier do Amaral on behalf of the ASDT party to pull the party out of the AMP alliance as an individual decision.

It does not affect ASDT MPs’ continuous work to support the AMP in the National Parliament for the improvement of the country. Therefore, ASDT MPs in the National Parliament continue to support AMP, said Mr. Alves.

He added that even though there is a contradiction between the President of ASDT and ASDT MPs in the National Parliament, it does not mean that ASDT has divided into two groups.

“So far, the ASDT party is not divided. We continue to be strong,” said Mr. Alves on Wednesday (28/5) at National Parliament.

Ed: Pardon for Rogerio Lobato is unfair – Suara Timor Lorosa’e

Some Timorese people are questioning President Jose Ramos Horta's pardon of Rogerio Lobato, especially since the President Ramos Horta demonstrated a change of attitude since returning from medical attention in Darwin Australia.

Many people including politicians, lawyers, members of the parliament and youth were surprised when the President decided to pardon to M. Rogerio Lobato. Some believe that this decision is a way of circumventing the constitution.

As a chief of State, the President has the right to grant a pardon to any prisoner. However, as it was not yet time for Rogerio Lobato to receive a pardon from the President, the decision might not support the justice system.

It was unfair to pardon Rogerio Lobato because his family sacrificed themselves during the past war. Many others also scarified themselves and lost their families during the war. By this reasoning, the pardon is unacceptable.

Up until now, some of these families have still not received compensation from the government. There is no proper logic behind this decision.

We wait …

CNRT: not frightened of ASDT's decision – Diario Nacional

Vice President of the CNRT bench in the parliament, Pedro da Costa said that AMP is not frightened even though ASDT President Francisco Xavier do Amaral and elected representatives from the districts have decided to leave AMP.

Mr. da Costa said that the decision of ASDT's leader will not influence the AMP Government’s activities as AMP still has the majority of the National Parliament.

...

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Novo blog em Timor-Leste

É a economia, estúpido!...

Blog sobre Economia do Desenvolvimento, em particular sobre a economia de Timor Leste e aquilo que, naquela, pode ser útil ao desenvolvimento económico deste país.

Direitos humanos: Uso excessivo da força dos militares da ONU em Timor-Leste - AM

Lisboa, 27 Mai (Lusa) - Uso "excessivo" da força e "tratamento cruel", por parte dos militares da Missão Integrada da ONU, e deslocados sem assistência são apontados a Timor-Leste pela Amnistia Internacional no relatório de 2008, hoje divulgado.

A organização não governamental adianta que as violações dos direitos humanos cometidas por polícias e militares, na generalidade, incluem "detenções arbitrárias" e "disparos fatais".

O relatório refere também que cerca de cem mil pessoas deslocadas no interior do país, em resultado da onda de violência de 2006 e 2007, continuam a precisar urgentemente de comida, abrigo, água e saneamento.

ER.
Lusa/Fim

Próximo domingo chegará em Lisboa, o Secretário Geral da Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri

Blog FÓRUM ACADÉMICO DA FRETILIN
Informação

Aos camaradas, amigos e colegas,

Na qualidade do Coordenador Geral de F.A.F.C (Fórum Académico da Fretilin em Coimbra), venho por este meio a informar à todos os membros de FAFC, amigos estudantes e não estudantes residentes em Coimbra, que no próximo domingo chegará em Lisboa, o Secretário Geral da Fretilin, Mari Alkatiri. Para quem está interessado em participar neste encontro, por favor contacte a Direcção de FAFC (963259077).

Participe neste encontro, é uma oportunidade, pois queremos ser bem informado.

Os melhores cumprimentos
Coordenador Geral
António Guterres

UNMIT Daily Media Review - 28 May 2008
(International news reports and extracts from national media. UNMIT does not vouch for the accuracy of these reports)

Ministry of Justice: the Government does not need to report to NP about its recommendations – Diario Nacional and Televisaun Timor-Leste

Minister of Justice Lucia Lobato said that the Ministry of Justice does not need to notify the National Parliament on what they have recommended to the president.

Minister Lucia Lobato said that the Constitution does not say that the President has to inform the National Parliament before giving pardon to prisoners.

“All of us know, especially the deputies, know the duty in all institutions of the Government based on the Constitution.

What is the authority of Parliament, the Government’s authority, President’s authority and the Court’s authority? Each institution has its own area of authority to carry on as the constitution states.

In connection with the pardoning of prisoners by the President, particularly the deputies want to know about prisoner Rogerio Lobato. I think Constitution does not say that when President wants to extend forgiveness to the prisoners he must inform the deputies in National Parliament.

If it is written in Constitution, I humbly ask the deputies to show me the article,” said Minister Lobato.

She also said that the Ministry of Justice still has not received any information from the president about granting pardons to the prisoners as the case is being taken to court.

ASDT withdraw from AMP – Timor Post, Suara Timor Lorosa’e, Diario Nacional, Radio Timor-Leste and Televisaun Timor-Leste

The Social Democratic Association of Timorese (ASDT) decided to withdraw form the Alliance of Majority in Parliament (AMP) on Tuesday (27/5), saying that the party’s has not yet received any response from Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão on its demands.

ASDT President Francisco Xavier do Amaral stated that ASDT is no longer a part of AMP. Any difficulties people face can be directly addressed to CNRT, PD and PSD.

Earlier ASDT had proposed to Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão to remove the Minister of Commerce and Tourism Gil da Costa Alves and the State Secretary of Environment Abilio Lima from their positions. ASDT is also asking the Prime Minister to place ASDT members as much as possible in the role of ambassador, district and sub-district administrators in areas where the party received the majority of more votes during parliamentary elections.

“Up until now we have no response from the Prime Minister. Such political dynamics may have a strong impact on the economic crisis in the country and people will lose their confidence in the AMP,” said ASDT President Xavier do Amaral on Tuesday (27/5) in Lecidere, Dili.

Mr. Xavier said that people’s lives were getting more difficult as the large state budget approved by the National Parliament has not yet reached the people.

“Starting from today (27/5), we declare directly to the people that everything that is going wrong is the fault of AMP fault. Just ask CNRT, PD and PSD. ASDT has no responsibility anymore for decisions made by the AMP Government,” he said.

ASDT President Xavier do Amaral also said that he is still concerned with some of his members’ statements that they want to be independent MPs in the parliament.

“I (Xavier) ask them (ASDT members) to respect to the votes of ASDT supporters when they make decisions. The members in the parliament have rights and in a democracy can do it. But they were not voted in by the parliament/government. They were chosen by the ASDT supporters to take a seat in parliament, so they have to follow ASDT. They are free to discuss anything but we [ASDT] do not regard them as ASDT members and their statements are not considered as representing the party,” said Xavier.

Another ASDT member of the NP, João Manuel Carascalão said the as an MP will continue to support the AMP Government.

“As an MP, I have a moral conscience and a big responsibility to serve the community and state, not only the party.

In parliament, we are the representatives of the community, not only the representative of the party,” said Mr. Carrascalão.

With other ASDT MPs, Mr. Carrascalão said that they are not concerned about ASDT's decision concerning them.

PNTL human rights violation against people continues to take place – Televisaun Timor-Leste

A human rights violation victim, Silvina Assuncão de Jesus yesterday (27/5) reported her case to Committees A and B in the National Parliament. Silvina said the case occurred when the members of the Task Force forced them to leave the place where they were staying. At that time, the members of Task Force destroyed the victim's kiosk, causing here to lose approximately US$200. Ms. Silvina is asking the Government to reimburse her loss.

In a separate matter, Chefe Aldeia of Caicoli, Tomas Jose Goncalves said the Government should inform the local authority in the community before they send the population to live there.

“If the Government wants to relocate some part of the population to any place in the community, they have to make an agreement or hold a dialogue with us first so that we can be on the alert and prevent any disturbances. Also, we can know whether those people have their own house or not”, explained Tomas.

In response to this case, President of Committee A, Antoninho Bianco said he has instructed the victim to report the incident to the PNTL in order to investigate those members who tortured the population.

“Some of members of the Task Force yesterday tortured a victim in Caicoli. In relation to this, we have directly contacted the PNTL and asked them to gather evidence from the victim to thoroughly investigate all the parties involved. Also, we have also contacted the Provider of Human Rights and asked them to also gather evidence from the victim, so that if there is no follow-up from PNTL about this case, the Provider of Human Rights can present this case to General Prosecutor to be investigated”, confirmed Bianco.

The Commander of Joint Operation Command Filomeno Paixão said the JOC also has taken any measures regarding human rights violations which were allegedly committed by the members of the F-FDTL during its field operations. According to Filomeno, 73 cases have been identified so far - 39 of the cases were committed by F-FDTL and the other 34 were committed by the UN.

Ministry of Finance to present audit report – Televisaun Timor-Leste

Minister of Finance Emilia Pires said that the internal audit report of the former Government is ready to be presented to the parliament.

“As discussed with the auditors, auditing processes generally take a long time to do complete as they conduct the audit unit by unit. The report has been prepared and still need some work as the previous government did not have a good system in place.

There are no documents and audit archive and it is difficult to find the auditing files,” said Minster Emília.

Fretilin-PUN: unhappy with NP plan to buy 65 cars for MPs – Timor Post

MPs from PUN and Fretilin have reacted strongly to the plan of the National Parliament to buy new 65 cars [Toyota Prado] for the 65 MPs in parliament. According to PUN-Fretilin, saying it is unconscionable to proceed with this plan while the people are suffering.

MP Fretilin Aniceto Guterres said that initially Fretilin did not accept the plan of buying cars for the MPs as people are starving due to the food crisis.

“I concur that the parliament need cars to carry out assessments and other duties, but not cars for every MP,” lamented Mr. Guterres.

PUN MP Fernanda Borges said that her party is in the parliament to represent people and she is happy with US$10 per diem [per day. There is no need for cars as the cars are so expensive and will put too much strain on the State budget.

“For me this is a serious step to take for the State. If the cars are bought for the current MPs, then the next MPs will also need cars, as we do now,” questioned Ms. Borges.

The Vice President of the National Parliament Maria Paixão said that the cars will be bought to facilitate the work of the MPs and may be sold at a lower price.

UNDP Finds "No Mal-Intent" For Money Herfkens Is Asked to Return, Charges Denied – Inner City Press [at the UN: News Analysis], 27 May

Dutch parliamentarians are demanding that Evelyn Herfkens, who took $7000 a month rent from her government while ostensibly working only for the UN Development Program, repay the money. This despite a letter last week from UNDP's Kemal Dervis, attempting to whitewash the scandal.

Dervis acknowledges that Herfkens had been handed a copy of the rules which she went ahead and broke, and that governments are charged with knowing these rules. But he concludes, on what basis is not clear, that there was no intention to break the rule, no "mal-intent."

So $280,000 in illegally received money can be kept? The UN speaks from time to time again impunity. But UNDP, even when it’s Administrator admits that rules have been broken, tries to promote impunity.

UNDP's Dervis frames the issue, Herfkens $ and PRO-FIT and Zimbabwe answers not shown

Similarly, in Timor Leste, UNDP continues to pay Roque Rodrigues, the former defense minister who the UN's commission of inquiry said should be prosecuted for handing out guns to mobs. On May 22, UNDP partially answered these follow-up questions, posed on May 14:

Is UNDP paying Rodrigues' salary?
You say that Rodrigues "does not have any UN status."

What do you mean; he is a contractor, right?
Isn't this his status -- he holds a SSA contract with UNDP? Or are you referring to privileges and immunities; that he has no such status, given that he is a contractor?

Did the Govt of Timor Leste specifically request that UNDP hire Mr. Rodrigues as a consultant?

If so, which official made this request?

UNDP responded that "anyone one on a consultant/SSA contract has only functional immunity so his UN status has no bearing on any potential legal developments in Timor Leste relating to developments prior to his employment with the UN.

In fact, the only immunity he may have relates to his membership of the Council of State. Lifting that would require a decision by the President of the country. The SRSG has already spoken to the President about this who confirmed that he would do so.

The UN in Timor Leste continues to support the work of the Commission of Inquiry is committed to full accountability for all those whom the report names."

On May 22, Inner City Press asked UNDP some questions, some of which have so far been answered as noted below:

Q: What ever happened to the promised investigation by OAPR of UNDP's award of no-bid contracts to a firm called PRO-FIT?

At the time, UNDP promised its own investigation. did it ever happen? Will UNDP make it public? So far not answered.
UNDP claimed a couple months ago that internal investigations and a Kimberly Process investigation had cleared UNDP from any wrongdoing in Zimbabwe, concerning UNDP’s Support of Diamond Mining Operations.

But UNDP refuses to make public the investigations.

What is the basis for UNDP not sharing copies of these investigation reports: Will UNDP releases the reports? So far not answered.

Q: Has UNDP hired consultants whose responsibilities include monitoring the computers and communications of staff and other consultants? If yes, are Mr. Dervis and/or Mr. Melkert aware of this monitoring, and are they given any of the information that is collected? Does UNDP or these consultants monitor the computers or communications of the Independent Review Panel?

Partially answered: “On the issue of the monitoring, UNDP does not have any consultants or staff or anyone "whose responsibilities include the monitoring of computers and communications of staff and other consultants." (To use your words). We, of course, are not in any way shape or form monitoring the computers of the Independent Review Panel. Frankly, allegations that UNDP would be involved in such practices are just downright preposterous."

We'll see.
Q: Beyond UNDP, what about the question of UN requiring letter from a media's country's mission for accreditation?

Answered thusly: "I have been advised that for regular accreditation missions do not get involved. However, they do get involved when a visiting senior official travels with a press corps. In those instances, the mission would sent the UN Media Accreditation and Liaison Unit a list of journalists who need to get a one or two day pass."

We less sure of this last answer, as several journalists have been asked to get letters from their country's mission to the UN Developing.

E Timor army denies abuse claims – BBC News, 27 May

At sunset, Dili's sweeping coastline echoes back the sounds of the city: the sellers of snacks and cigarettes; the tinny music leaking from foreign-owned bars; the occasional motorbike rezoning along the beach road.

One wonders what it all sounds like to Gastao Salsinha, under lock and key in a military house.

For two years the noises he slept to were those of the mountainous jungle where he hid with his men - almost 600 of them, former soldiers whose sacking from the army led to a spate of political violence.

Their complaint - that the army discriminated against those from the west of the country - opened up old wounds in the capital between Timorese from the eastern districts and those from the west.

It was while negotiations to resolve this dispute were going on in February that some of the group launched a double attack on the president and prime minister.

Now Mr Salsinha and others suspected of involvement in that attack are in custody in Dili.

But after two years of failing to catch them, how did East Timor's armed forces get them down to the capital without firing a shot?

Special joint command
Filomeno Paixão is the man in charge of the operation; head of a specially-created unit combining the army and the police under one joint command.

First, he told me, it had been his conviction that Mr Salsinha would surrender given the right opportunity.

The army had spent a lot of time, he said, spreading the word that they would not shoot Mr Salsinha; and getting the local community, his family, and church leaders to use their influence with him.

The joint command has been widely praised for its success.

Two years ago, during the crisis following the sacking of the soldiers, the army and police were shooting each other in the streets of Dili; now they are pulling off sensitive psychological operations in East Timor's rural areas.

“When the army arrived, they gathered everyone together and said if the rebels didn't hand themselves in, they'd kill us.”

Commander Paixão says the operation relied on persuasion. But some of those close to the operation say it went further than that.

Villages 'threatened'
The road through Ermera's mountainous interior eventually gives out, and reaching the villages targeted by the army means coaxing a car up steep shale paths and along narrow, grassed-over tracks.

In the first place we stopped in was a hamlet of coffee farmers. They gathered round to describe the effects of the army operation.

They told us that they were not allowed to go to their fields for a week. The army threatened that if Salsinha did not surrender, they would not harvest their crops, they said.

This is coffee country.
Coffee is East Timor's main non-oil export, and a financial lifeline for people here.

According to the UN, blanket restrictions like the ones they described would be illegal - even during military operations.

But that is not all they had to say.

One young man told me: "When the army arrived, they gathered everyone together and said if the rebels didn't hand themselves in, they'd kill us."

"That's true," his friend said.

There are other, far more serious, allegations being talked about here, but no evidence for them as yet.

Beatings
Rumors travel fast in East Timor, and there are political reasons why the people of Ermera might want to discredit the army - this is, after all, a western district, and the place Salsinha and the other rebels chose to run to.

But then there are reasons, too, why the army might want to put pressure on the people here.

At a neighboring village, we met the brother of one of the rebel soldiers the army was looking for.

He told me: "They took me from my house and beat me on my back and stomach, using their hands, feet, and also guns."

"They were asking 'Where is your brother?' I told them I didn't know, but they beat me anyway."

His village chief told us there were eight others from this community who had been through the same experience. According to him, one was an elderly woman.

Ermera is the place the rebels chose for protection, but when I talked to people about Mr Salsinha and his family, they were angry.

'Furious'

"Mad" and "furious" are the words they used.

And that chill wind has reached the house of Mr Salsinha's wife, down in the district capital, Gleno.

During the operation, she said, local people began issuing threats against her family.

It was one of the factors - though she says not the over-riding one - that helped persuade her husband to turn himself in.
Commander Paixão denies the army ill-treated any civilians during the operation.

He told me he had sent two teams to the area to investigate reports of abuses, but that none had been found to be true.

Investigations are also being carried out by the UN and the Timorese parliament.

The joint command, meanwhile, has not yet been given a date for its disbandment.

Many analysts and politicians agree deep-seated reform of East Timor's army and police is needed to avoid future crises, but the military's success in bringing in Mr Salsinha and his men could well make that job harder rather than easier.

Mr Salsinha may be back in town, his rump of a rebel army may be neutralized, and the security situation may be judged to be calmer.
But there are many other challenges that this unstable country has yet to address.

Political factor still decisive for Timor’s Asean bid – The Star, 28 May

OVER the weekend, Timor Leste President Jose Ramos-Horta pledged that his country would not “embarrass” Asean as a “basket case” like Myanmar.

He was addressing the international media in Singapore over Timor Leste’s bid to join Asean by 2012. But his statement conflicts with some key Asean realities.

Timor Leste is among the poorest countries in the neighborhood. But doubts about a budding member’s socio-political environment worries Asean more than its economic status.

Since the president has compared his country with Myanmar, what differences and similarities are there?

Like Myanmar, Timor Leste is rich in natural resources yet to be tapped fully. But unlike a Myanmar with diminishing timber resources and precious stones riding on tourism, Timor Leste is endowed with oil and gas that can attract lucrative foreign contracts.

Also unlike Myanmar, the fledgling government of Timor Leste enjoys much international goodwill. Developing its economy would see enthusiastic international support, quite unlike Myanmar.

So Timor Leste’s economics is not at issue in hopes of joining Asean. But like Myanmar, its problem is unresolved political turmoil from deep-seated social fissures.

Ramos-Horta may say Timor Leste is democratic, unlike Myanmar, but his country is not seeking to join the European Union. In the experience of Asean countries, the larger priorities are political stability, national security and social peace.

Myanmar’s problem is that these priorities do not converge, and officials still seem determined not to resolve the roots of the predicament. Myanmar embarrasses, frustrates and stymies Asean not with economic backwardness but political underdevelopment.

Timor Leste’s stability, security and peace have been devastated not just with the police and military fighting each other, but also feuding groups of soldiers approaching civil war. Rioting that erupted in 2006 continued into 2007, with attacks on both the prime minister and president as Ramos-Horta only just survived an assassination attempt this year.

In the 1990s, Cambodia’s bid to join Asean was delayed because of such internecine strife. Timor Leste would do well to learn from such past examples.

Myanmar was admitted into Asean with what now looks like naive hopes of Yangon undertaking promised reforms. After the carrot of Asean membership failed to work, some speculated in vain on the stick of suspending its membership.

Timor leaders are mistaken if they think Asean membership hangs on economic development. Emphasis should be on settling the country’s in festering social and political problems, not looking to future economic attainments.

The-then East Timor “left” Indonesia in 1999 and formally gained independence in 2002, but even now Timor Leste’s tribal rifts and factional ruptures remain unresolved. Ramos-Horta said 2012 had been set as a target to help expedite reform efforts, but that will not work if priorities are misaligned towards economics.

Differences in economic development among Asean countries have slowed integration and limited policy streamlining, but all hopes of growth, investment and trade can be scupper with continued political turmoil and serious uncertainties. That is a basic reality which all Asean member nations have learned the hard way.

Timor Leste is located within the Asean region largely because Indonesian rule “located” itself within the former Portuguese Timor. Anthropologically and culturally, Timor’s Austronesian and Melanesian roots place it more distantly.

Timor leaders once had antipathy for Asean, but that was overcome after Indonesia’s Suharto regime expired.
As a small novice nation next to two giants, Indonesia and Australia, sovereign Timor Leste today may feel more secure in an Asean based on equal membership rights and group consensus.

But Asean has always been about sustaining stability through core security built on a fraternal peace, after which economic prospects can proceed unhindered. Timor leaders need to internalize this formula for Asean success.



UNMIT MEDIA MONITORING
www.unmit.org

Alegria e orgulho dos finalistas timorenses no Cortejo da Queima das Fitas

EL
ATConline, 4 de Maio de 2008

Queima das Fitas

Coimbra - A Queima das Fitas em Coimbra é considerada como o ponto alto da festa dos estudantes que ocorre em Portugal, sendo a tradição mais antiga que remonta à década 50 do século XIX, e continua ser, até hoje, uma das actividades académicas mais animada e que tem vindo a marcar os momentos da vida dos estudantes da Universidade de Coimbra. A tradição mantém-se e este ano a Queima das Fitas contou com uma maior participação dos estudantes timorenses que estudam nesta Universidade e destaca-se nesta magna festa os finalistas Emanuel Assis, Robin Araújo, Melisa Diliana Caldas, Nivea Alves, Suzy Lobato, Vital Araújo, Egidio Carion, Gaspar Sobral, Ivo Soares e António Monteiro. A alegria e o orgulho são as palavras de momento que acabaram, simbolicamente, de queimar as suas fitas, como reza a tradição, assinalando assim o fim das suas rotinas (aulas) e ficando à espera da prova final para puder ter o direito a atribuição de equivalência da Universidade de Coimbra. O tão esperado e ansiado “canudo”.

ATC Online, conseguiu no meio da multidão apanhar alguns dos finalistas e oportunamente proporcionar-lhes umas perguntas relacionadas com a festa da Queima das Fitas; a sensação de ser finalista e o significado da Queima da Fitas para eles.

Emanuel Assis, finalista do curso de Engenharia de Minas, mesmo que esteja já no fim do curso não hesita em falar dos problemas que vão surgindo. “Neste preciso momento estou num dilema. Primeiro, fico contente por ter chegado até aqui, porque, estou quase no fim do curso". Revelando as emoções sentidas, Emanuel não escondeu o seu amor pela cidade de Coimbra. “O outro meu dilema é o peso de sentimento que vou ter depois de deixar esta magnífica cidade de Coimbra. Digo que já tenho saudades dela.”

Perguntando sobre a festa da Queima, Emanuel considera-a como um ritual e é uma das maiores festas do mundo. “Fui batizado no Rio Mondego, dando início ao ritual. Vem depois outro momento em que tive oportunidade de vestir, pela primeira vez na noite da serenata em Maio de 2001, o traje académico. Cumprindo assim mais uma tradição. No Cortejo dos Quartanistas era outra parte em que também participei, e agora sou finalista e cartolado”.

Nivea Alves, formando no curso de Sociologia sente-se orgulhosa com o percurso académico realizado. Sendo uma das finalistas mostrou-se bastante contente com o resultado feito depois de uma longa e incasável luta... “Hau kontente tebes tamba bele konkretija luta iha tinan hira nia laran...”.

A futura sociológa (na sua expressão) parece estar já com vontade de regressar para a terra natal, Timor-Leste, mas ao mesmo tempo recorda os momentos passados em Coimbra. “A Queima das Fitas acima de tudo é uma festa que está muito ligada com a tradição académica, única e vai ficar com certeza como recordação”. Terminando a conversa, a Nivea deixou umas palavras de coragem aos seus conterrâneos para que esforcem e não desistam pelo caminho, apesar das dificuldades. Os outros conseguem porque é que nós não (ema seluk bele, tamba sa maka ita labele)”?

Robin de Araújo, finalista do curso de Engenharia Mecânica, por sua vez, falou da resistência que ele viveu durante cinco anos no universo de Coimbra. Aparentemente satisfeito e orgulhoso. Trata-se de uma mistura de emoções, sendo finalista e tão desejado a conseguir concretizar o seu sonho (Cita-cita). “Sinto-me orgulho de ser finalista depois de 5 anos mergulhado na vida académica. E este sucesso só terá significado quando for a Timor, pois o futuro está lá e o mais importante a contribuição que darei ao meu país, Timor-Leste”.

Conversando relativamente sobre a tradição da Queima das Fitas, Robin diz que “esta é uma festa de estudantes e ela significa para mim muita coisa. Mas o mais sentido nesta festa é o sentimento de alegria por ter acabado meu curso”.

Noutra ocasião, ATConline foi fazer a mesma pergunta e desta vez a finalista do Curso de Direito, Melisa Diliana Caldas. Relativamente à primeira questão, Melisa respondeu “Ser finalista, poder neste dia trajar-me a rigor com a cartola e a bengala e acompanhada pelo meu sobrinho, é um momento muito especial não só para mim, mas para toda a minha família, amigos e colegas. Isto porque já foram 6 anos de lutas e sacrifícios constantes que me deitaram por terra, mas que com o apoio de todos aqueles que me rodeiam poderei sair desta linda cidade com a cabeça erguida e triunfante. Ainda faltam alguns obstáculos. No entanto, ganho hoje mais coragem para os enfrentar. E com o coração pulsando de alegria viverei os próximos tempos sempre na esperança de poder finalmente atingir os objectivos pretendidos para esta caminhada.”

Tal como os restantes finalistas, as emoções duplicam e o sentimento nostálgico ganha o seu espaço. Colocando a segunda questão sobre a Queima da Fitas, Melisa, por sua vez, tem uma leitura própria relacionada com o fim de uma etapa tão esperada e ansiada por todos e nesta perspectiva ela define a Queima como o momento do culminar do convívio entre os estudantes. “A Queima de Fitas não é só a semana de eventos que se realiza, os dias de férias que tiramos da faculdade, as bebedeiras e noitadas no Parque, mas é sobretudo a consagração das várias etapas académicas. A Queima não é só para os cartolados, mas é também para os fitados, para os grelados e para os caloiros, que pela primeira vez usam o seu traje. A Queima não deixa ninguém indiferente porque ela é um ponto de convívio entre os estudantes, possibilitando a construção de novas amizades e forçando as relações entre colegas. A Queima de Fitas é assim um rodopio de momentos e emoções que nos ficam na memória para toda a nossa vida. Um Viva à Queima de Fitas!!!”

Nesta curta conversa, observamos que os finalistas todos têm a ânsia de terminar já o seus respectivos estudos e revelando o interesse de tornar úteis os conhecimentos académicos adquiridos no regresso a Timor-Leste. PARABÉNS E BOA SORTE!

ATCOL/OD/SJ/NG/ABITO/AF ***

ATConline

Lançamento da Colectânea da Secretaria de Estado do Conselho de Ministros

REPÚBLICA DEMOCRÁTICA DE TIMOR-LESTE

SECRETARIA DE ESTADO DO CONSELHO DE MINISTROS
_________________________________________________________________________________________________

Lançamento da Colectânea da Secretaria de Estado do Conselho de Ministros relativa à
Actividade e Procedimento Legislativo do IV Governo Constitucional
DIA 28 de MAIO de 2008
_____________________________________________________________________
Informação à Imprensa
_________________________________________________________________________________


Díli, 27 de Maio de 2008

O Primeiro-Ministro Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão estará presente amanhã, dia 28 de Maio, pelas 17h00, nas instalações da Secretaria de Estado do Conselho de Ministros, Palácio do Governo, em Díli, onde irá decorrer o lançamento da Colectânea relativa à Actividade e Procedimento Legislativo do IV Governo Constitucional, da responsabilidade da Secretaria de Estado do Conselho de Ministros.

A Colectânea reúne três textos jurídicos relevantes não só no contexto do actual Governo, como também na redacção de normas em Timor-Leste, uma vez que respeitam à estrutura e funcionamento do IV Governo Constitucional e ao conjunto de regras a observar na redacção dos textos das suas normas jurídicas.

Apresentam-se, assim, num único volume, o Decreto-Lei n.º 7/2007, referente à Lei Orgânica do IV Governo Constitucional, a Resolução do Governo N.° 11/2007, que aprova o Regimento do Conselho de Ministros do IV Governo Constitucional, o Despacho n.°1/2007, de 31 de Agosto, do Secretário de Estado do Conselho de Ministros, que estabelece as Regras de Logística e ainda um breve glossário, de modo a facilitar o acesso a esses textos por parte do leitor.

Esta publicação decorre da aposta do IV Governo Constitucional na qualidade e no rigor técnico-jurídico e linguístico de todos os diplomas legais, e em fazer compreender o respectivo teor a toda a população de Timor-Leste.

Para tal, o Governo conta com a Secretaria de Estado do Conselho de Ministros (SECM), que elaborou os referidos textos normativos e promoveu a publicação da Colectânea nas línguas oficiais da República Democrática de Timor-Leste, o Tétum e o Português, e ainda na língua inglesa. Desta forma, a SECM disponibiliza, também, aos estudantes de Direito e aos juristas um instrumento auxiliar de trabalho.

Este é o primeiro passo de uma série de iniciativas no âmbito do plano de acesso à informação da actividade do Governo à sociedade civil.

#FIM#

FRETILIN em Portugal

FÓRUM ACADÉMICO DA FRETILIN EM COIMBRA

F.A.F.C é um fórum académico da Fretilin em Coimbra. Criado em 04 de julho de 2007 pelos académicos da Fretilin com os objectivos construtivos e dinâmicos em muitos aspectos das diferenças áreas.

A milícia Team Alfa e a violência de 1999 no indulto de Ramos-Horta

*** Pedro Rosa Mendes, da Agência Lusa ***

Díli, 27 Mai (Lusa) - Na lista de 94 nomes indultados pelo Presidente da República timorense estão os primeiros e únicos condenados em Timor-Leste por crimes contra a humanidade, incluindo os quatro protagonistas do “julgamento de Lospalos”.

Entre os nove ex-elementos de milícias integracionistas indultados por José Ramos-Horta no dia da independência, 20 de Maio, sobressai o de Joni Marques, acusado de alguns dos crimes mais cruéis cometidos antes e depois do referendo de 30 de Agosto de 1999.

Joni Marques, Gonçalo dos Santos, João da Costa “Lemorai” e Paulo da Costa, membros ou “associados” da milícia pró-indonésia Team Alfa (ou Tim Alfa), de Lospalos (leste), constituem, juntos, uma das cinco listas nominais do decreto presidencial número 53/2008.

Os quatro foram acusados de crimes contra a humanidade em Dezembro de 2000 pelo procurador internacional da Autoridade de Transição e foram os primeiros a ser julgados, a partir de Janeiro de 2001, pelo Tribunal Especial para Crimes Graves em Díli.

O “julgamento de Lospalos”, como ficou conhecido, foi um marco na história judicial do novo país, onde pela primeira vez se julgou e condenou responsáveis directos da campanha de violência que assolou o território em 1999.

Joni Marques, João da Costa e Paulo da Costa receberam penas cumulativas de prisão de 33 anos e quatro meses e Gonçalo dos Santos foi condenado a 23 anos.

Na lista de crimes de que foi acusado Joni Marques e os seus colegas de milícia conta-se a tortura e morte de Evaristo Lopes, um membro clandestino das Falintil, a 21 de Abril de 1999, em Lospalos; ataques, deportação e movimentação forçada de população de várias aldeias de Lautém entre 08 e 30 de Setembro.

O rol de crimes inclui ainda o rapto e assassínio do jovem Aleixo Oliveira a 11 de Setembro, o assassínio de Alfredo Araújo e Calixto Rodrigues, a 21 de Setembro, e o conhecido massacre de freiras, padres, um jornalista indonésio e outros passageiros, num total de oito ocupantes da mesma viatura, em Lautém, dia 25 do mesmo mês.

“Estes crimes foram parte da onda de violência generalizada, orquestrada e enquadrada pelas forças armadas indonésias (ABRI, renomeadas TNI em 1999) e pela polícia”, considerou o Tribunal Especial que julgou Joni Marques e companheiros.

“As milícias pró-autonomia eram organizadas e dirigidas por uma organização paramilitar de enquadramento, as Forças de Combate da Integração (PPI), que tinha o apoio das TNI e da administração”, pode também ler-se no primeiro auto de acusação.

No distrito de Lautém (com capital em Lospalos), as forças indonésias trabalharam em estreita cooperação com grupos armados como a Team Alfa, a BRTT (Barisan Rakyat Timor Timur) e a Pengamanan Swakarsa, grupos de “autodefesa” civil.

Joni Marques, detido em 31 de Outubro de 1999, foi comandante da milícia Team Alfa entre 1994 e 1996 e membro do Comando das Forças Especiais indonésio (KOPASSUS).

João da Costa “Lemorai” era membro da milícia. Paulo da Costa estava “associado” ao mesmo grupo, tal como Gonçalo dos Santos, segundo a acusação.

A Team Alfa, referida algumas vezes como Jati Merah Puti (que em bahasa significa “Autêntico Branco e Vermelho”, as cores da bandeira indonésia), foi criada em 1986 pelo capitão Luhut Panjaitan, do KOPASSUS, como força de recrutamento local contra a guerrilha das Falintil.

Segundo a acusação, “membros da Team Alfa eram armados, equipados e treinados pelo KOPASSUS, actuando em operações mistas” de grande violência contra a população timorense.

Joni Marques foi um dos participantes de uma reunião na base de Laruara, a 03 de Setembro, onde se analisou a violência ao longo do ano de 1999 e se definiu a campanha seguinte, de retaliação contra a vitória da independência.

Relatos do “julgamento de Lospalos” referem “a grande crueldade” e “desumanidade” dos crimes da Team Alfa, com detalhes chocantes do massacre das freiras e padres na estrada de Lautém para Baucau.

Nessa ocasião, a eliminação das vítimas foi feita a tiro, em alguns casos à catanada e à facada, e terminou com o linchamento de um jovem que o grupo de Joni Marques tinha atado a uma árvore antes da emboscada à viatura dos religiosos.

Joni Marques e os outros dois condenados a 33 anos de prisão receberam um primeiro indulto em 2004, do então chefe de Estado, Xanana Gusmão, actual primeiro-ministro. A pena ficou reduzida a 25 anos.

Com a redução da pena para metade (doze anos e seis meses) por José Ramos-Horta, todos os quatro nomes constantes do Anexo III do decreto presidencial estão em condições de pedir a liberdade condicional. A cumprir pena há quase nove anos, Joni Marques e o seu grupo já ultrapassaram a barreira legal de meio da pena cumprida, que é de seis anos e três meses.

Beneficiam também de indulto presidencial, com redução de dois anos na pena, outros ex-membros de milícias integracionistas: Mateus Punef, Sixto Barros, César Mendonça e Januário da Costa. Um outro ex-milícia, Mateus Lao “Ena Poto”, é abrangido pelo indulto presidencial com a mesma redução, mas na lista do Anexo II do decreto.

Lusa/fim

Indulto presidencial suscita reacções de repúdio

Díli, 27 Mai (Lusa) - O indulto concedido na semana passada pelo Presidente timorense, José Ramos-Horta, que inclui o ex-ministro do Interior e nove condenados por crimes contra a humanidade, foi recebido com repúdio por diferentes fontes ouvidas pela agência Lusa em Díli.

Joni Marques, Gonçalo dos Santos, João da Costa “Lemorai” e Paulo da Costa, membros ou “associados” da milícia pró-indonésia Team Alfa em 1999, de Lospalos (leste), estão entre 94 indultados pelo Presidente José Ramos-Horta a 20 de Maio, dia da independência.

O indulto abrange também o ex-ministro do Interior Rogério Lobato, condenado em 2007 a sete anos e meio de prisão pela distribuição de armas a civis durante a crise política e militar de 2006.

Tanto Rogério Lobato, fundador das Falintil em 1975, como cinco dos nove ex-milícias integracionistas de 1999 incluídos no indulto, beneficiam de redução de metade da pena, ficando em condições de pedir a liberdade condicional.

“Estou sem palavras. O Presidente é uma obstrução completa à justiça em Timor-Leste”, acusou Fernanda Borges, líder do Partido Unidade Nacional (PUN), em declarações à Lusa.

Fernanda Borges é presidente da Comissão A do Parlamento Nacional, que tem competência sobre assuntos constitucionais e direitos, liberdades e garantias, e nessa qualidade pretende apresentar um pedido de esclarecimento ao Governo sobre as informações e sugestões enviadas ao Presidente da República para o indulto.

“É asqueroso indultar criminosos como Joni Marques e o seu grupo. Legalmente, o Presidente pode fazê-lo, mas é uma medida indefensável para os ideais da defesa da justiça”, afirmou à Lusa um especialista internacional em direitos humanos, com experiência de vários anos em Timor-Leste.

“A única lógica que vejo é a de que, uma vez que já não há ninguém preso na Indonésia pelos crimes de 1999 ou da Ocupação, o Presidente timorense decidiu nivelar pelo mesmo critério, por baixo, e dar aos timorenses a mesma impunidade de que gozaram os indonésios”, adiantou o mesmo especialista, que pediu o anonimato.

“É um nivelamento por baixo”, acrescentou.

“O indulto é ainda mais indefensável porque o relatório ‘Chega!’ (da Comissão de Acolhimento Verdade e Reconciliação-CAVR) nunca foi discutido pelo Parlamento”, explicou o mesmo especialista à Lusa.

Também Pat Walsh, do secretariado da pós-CAVR (a comissão funcionou entre 2002 e 2005), manifestou informalmente a sua condenação pelo indulto presidencial, em declarações proferidas na semana passada durante um encontro inter-religioso em Díli.

“Crimes como os de 1999 não foram apenas cometidos contra indivíduos mas contra valores e sistemas de justiça, ou de moral”, analisou Pat Walsh nessa ocasião.

“O perdão de José Ramos-Horta aos seus agressores (em Fevereiro de 2008) é muito bonito, mas como chefe de Estado ele tem que defender os interesses dos cidadãos, incluindo das vítimas”, explicou também Pat Walsh, um veterano da causa timorense de há mais de três décadas.

Um outro activista de direitos humanos envolvido no processo da antiga CAVR, e que pediu o anonimato, declarou à Lusa que “se houvesse uma sondagem de opinião honesta, a maioria dos timorenses não concordaria que o sistema (judicial) fosse comprometido desta maneira”.

Para um magistrado envolvido em vários dos processos que agora receberam indulto presidencial, “o decreto é uma amnistia encapotada”.

“É uma lei de calculadora na mão, porque os critérios foram arranjados para encontrar as reduções de pena necessárias para casos individuais, e não o contrário”, acrescentou o mesmo magistrado.

“No centro dos ‘critérios’ está, claramente, o caso de Rogério Lobato. Os outros nomes compõem o ramalhete”, acusou a mesma fonte judicial, que falou sob anonimato.

O magistrado salientou que o resultado directo do indulto presidencial será “a saída precoce em liberdade de dezenas de violadores e homicidas”, uma vez que são esses os crimes mais frequentes em Timor-Leste.

“Os condenados por crimes contra o património são uma minoria na lista dos 94 indultados”, declarou o magistrado.

“Há condenados por crimes contra a vida e outros direitos fundamentais que vão voltar à rua depois de apenas alguns meses na prisão, porque as sentenças iniciais já eram baixas em relação à gravidade dos crimes”, alertou o mesmo magistrado.

Essa desproporção entre crime e pena tem a ver com a valoração relativa do Código Penal Indonésio, que é mais duro com crimes contra o Estado, por exemplo, do que com crimes contra o indivíduo.

O magistrado sublinha também que o indulto de 20 de Maio foi o terceiro indulto presidencial em menos de um ano.

“Num país de grande violência como é Timor-Leste, um indulto assim tem consequências pesadas para a sociedade, em impunidade e em insegurança”, concluiu o magistrado.

O Programa de Monitorização do Sector Judicial (JSMP), que acompanha em detalhe todo o sistema jurídico timorense, chamou a atenção para as “muitas ambiguidades legais e linguísticas” do decreto presidencial.

“O que é claro, no entanto, é que a redução generalizada de sentenças ameaça desvalorizar o papel dos tribunais e minimizar a gravidade dos crimes cometidos”, notou o JSMP num comunicado.

“Até a verdade não é suficiente, mas nem sequer a isso chegámos, e à justiça ainda menos”, resumiu o activista da CAVR sobre o último indulto presidencial.

PRM.
Lusa/fim

Corruption charges threaten East Timor's development

Asia Sentinel - Monday, May 26, 2008

By Jesse Wright
26 May 2008

The US promises hundreds of millions of dollars in aid money if the fledgling country cleans up its act


The United States government is promising East Timor hundreds of millions of dollars in aid money — if it can organize a plan to clean up its corruption within a year, a tall order for a country that was nearly crushed at independence by Indonesia and whose institutions are in early stages of development. Only five of its 15 ministries have internal audit processes in place and World Bank statistics indicate corruption is on the rise.

In late 2005 the Millennium Challenge Corporation, an innovative new development agency funded by the US Congress with the mandate to tie aid to policy reform milestones, approved a full contract — called a compact — with the fledgling country. Usually the compacts are worth hundreds of millions of dollars and are used to develop specific projects, such as new highway or hospitals, but a flawed proposal in 2006 and then national elections in 2007 have delayed the process and Timor is still without a compact.

With the national elections completed, the MCC has said it is ready to consider a new proposal from Timor, but over the past two years another problem has emerged: corruption. Timor is currently failing the MCC's control of corruption criterion.

The MCC uses 17 criteria in three sectors to rate countries: fair and impartial governance, investing in people, and economic freedom. The control-of corruption criterion is based on data collected locally by the World Bank and it is the only pass/fail one. In other words, it is the one thing Timor cannot afford to fail if it hopes to win a full compact. The local head of the World Bank, however, told Asia Sentinel he is confident Timor will right itself by the time the proposal is accepted.

“You have a very dedicated government committed to fighting corruption here,” Antonio Franco, World Bank country director, said. “I would assume that possibly by the end of this year they'll be okay.”

Last month East Timor's prime minister, Xanana Gusmao, introduced his plan to create a civil service commission and an anti-corruption commission, declaring 2008 the “Year of administrative reform.”

Franco said measures like these should have an immediate effect.

“In most cases that's all you need is to establish the framework,” he said. Six years from independence from Indonesia’s failed rule and subsequent devastation of the tiny country, Timor has found it difficult to create the framework, however.

Franco said this created a problem because there were few benchmarks to measure corruption.

“It's not very specific data and it's not based on very in depth country analysis,” Franco said.

John Hewko, vice president of the MCC, said he was convinced the government would fix its corruption rating soon and so Timor would still be eligible for a compact.

Hewko, along with a small delegation from Washington, D.C., visited East Timor last week to meet with the government about the new project proposal. Timor's initial 2005 proposal was rejected because it was too broad and it was not discussed with leaders of civil society.

The first step to any compact, Hewko said, is public consultation.

“We view this as a program between the people of the United States and the people of East Timor,” he said. The consultation process is followed by a feasibility study and Timor will base its proposal on that study.

The entire process can take up to 18 months, and during that time the MCC will push for better control of corruption. Hewko said that often the amount of money at stake is so great that countries improve their ratings for fear of losing the money. The projects can be terminated if goals are not met.

“There's something called the MCC effect,” he said. “Already we've seen this. Countries try to do well to be eligible [for a compact].”

Although the amount of money Timor could get will be based on its future project proposal, the money should be significant.

“These are large grants and they focus people's attention. This isn't $10 million, but more like $100 million” said Darius Nassiry, the MCC's country director for the department of compact development.

To a country like East Timor where most people live on a few dollars a day, the project alone could provide countless jobs and a needed boost to the economy.

About half the country is unemployed and the gross domestic product is based heavily on the country's nascent petroleum revenue. In Timor, not only are there few skilled workers, but even those with skills say they have trouble finding work. Thousands still live in displacement camps scattered around Dili, the nation's capital, too poor to rebuild their homes, and without income. Tens of thousands lost everything following violent civil unrest in 2006, and while the government has made some progress moving people back home, underlying causes—lack of jobs, skills, etc—are harder to fix.

Hewko said the MCC aims to fix just these sorts of problems through their compacts. He said Timor's project should have a heavy emphasis on infrastructure and rural development, and be “rooted in activities that promote economic growth.”

The MCC was established in 2004 as an initiative by the Bush administration as a “new” approach to aid development. Some critics have said the Bush administration should have simply reworked the United States Agency for International Development, the U.S. government's existing development agency, but Hewko and others said USAID is actually quite different.

“USAID has a much broader mandate than the MCC,” said Hewko. “Our projects are highly specialized and we only work with countries that are doing well.”

Media Release: FRETILIN Supports President on Petroleum Fund and Budget Execution

FRENTE REVOLUCIONÁRIA DO TIMOR-LESTE INDEPENDENTE
FRETILIN

Media Release
May 26, 2008

FRETILIN welcomes President's call for respect for Petroleum Fund, commits to cooperation
Dili: The leader of the FRETILIN parliamentary group, Aniceto Guterres, has welcomed calls from President Jose Ramos-Horta for the de-facto AMP government to operate within the existing petroleum fund laws and not to unnecessarily and unilaterally withdraw additional revenue from the Fund.

"FRETILIN supports the president and what he said regarding the management of petroleum receipts and budget preparation and execution," said Guterres. FRETILIN is the largest party in the National Parliament.

In his speech to the nation on the sixth anniversary of Timor-Leste's restoration of independence on 20 May 2002, President Ramos-Horta praised the work by the Alkatiri government in establishing a strong petroleum revenue stream for the people of Timor-Leste.

This was President Horta's second major address since returning from Australia after having survived an attempt on his life on February 11, 2008

Dr Ramos-Horta said: "…we should acknowledge the success of the negotiations regarding petroleum, which culminated in the Timor Sea Treaty and the creation of the Petroleum Fund, an institution recognized internationally as among the best in the world.

"At this time, we have a Petroleum Fund with nearly USD$3 billion that can be utilized by the current government, without needing to amend the law in force, as long as the government can demonstrate its capacity to bring about good budget management and execution, and it can put forward convincing plans and programs to the mandated institutions," President Ramos-Horta
added.

Mr Guterres commented: "These are very clear and strong indications of the President's desire to see a responsible, inclusive and consultative approach to ongoing management of the National Petroleum Fund establishment by the FRETILIN government. It reflects what we have been saying since the fund began in 2005 and when we opposed Mr Xanana Gusmao's calls for amendments and more money to be used from the petroleum fund. These statements by the President clearly support our prudent and realistic approach to revenue management and budgeting."

In November 2007 Timor-Leste's much praised Petroleum Fund was ranked No. 3 in the world out of 32 similar state-owned funds in 28 countries, by the renowned Washington think tank, the Peterson Institute for International Economics. It has been widely acclaimed by international donors, the multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and IMF and other international experts, for its transparency, accountability and security.

The current Petroleum Fund Law is also domestically valued and respected, having attained national consensus in its establishment. It won unanimous approved in the previous parliament, with every political party (except CNRT) which is now represented in today's parliament voting in favor of it, though current CNRT members of parliament who were in the last parliament (as members of other parties) also voted for it.

"No changes should be made to this petroleum fund institution and petroleum revenue management framework without undertaking an equally wide public consultation process over the same period of time. Any legislative amendments without this will lack legitimacy. However, we also believe that the de-facto government would find it hard to get the numbers to make any of the proposed changes," added Gueterres.

One changes would allow the government to take more revenue annually to have a larger budget. The current budget is already twice the last FRETILIN government budget and four to five times the average budget FRETILIN had available for 2004-2006.

"FRETILIN stands by its election promise to strongly defend Timor-Leste's Petroleum Fund from irresponsible and wasteful spending raids by the de-facto AMP government. They have delivered nothing for the poor of our country despite having had two huge budgets between August 2007 and today. But what we now see are only a lot of new cars, a lot of corruption, a lot of handouts that do not benefit all of the very needy in our society, and a very few from the business and political elite getting very rich. We see the diversion of resources away from those who truly need them, but little for the people," said Guterres.

"As President Ramos-Horta said, they have to demonstrate better budget execution and acceptable plans and programs to the parliament and society. We agree with that. It is too dangerous to the Petroleum Fund to do otherwise until these assurances are in place. We will hold the de-facto government accountable in the parliament on this," added Guterres.

In his first address to the National Parliament on his return from Australia after the February 11 attempt on his life, President Ramos-Horta asked the AMP de-facto government to utilize the extensive governance knowledge and experience of former FRETILIN ministers, such as Dr Mari Alaktiri, Estanislau da Silva, Jose Teixeira and Ana Pessoa to address the critical question of how to ensure the petroleum fund revenues are used to help the poorest of the poor in Timor-Leste, in light of the current world food price crisis.

"FRETILIN has stood ready to work together with all the political forces in our country to find a consensus-based approach to try to resolve the nation's problems and overcome the challenges before us all as Timorese," said Guterres.

"In his May 20 address to the FRETILIN faithful, which also included the presence of a number of foreign ambassadors, our Secretary General, Dr Mari Alkatiri, publicly stated that he is prepared to meet at any time with Mr Xanana Gusmao to discuss how we can all move the country forward. He awaits Mr Gusmao's response," concluded Guterres.


Contact: Jose Teixeira +670 728 7080;
Nilva Guimaraes +670 734 0389

Lançamento da base de dados de aquisição online de Timor-Leste Anúncio Público.

Para comemorar a Restauração do Dia da Independência a Peace Dividend Trust anuncia o lançamento da base de dados de aquisição online de Timor-Leste

Em 20 de Maio de 2008 a base de dados tem aproximadamente 948 perfis de negócios online, e cresce todas as semanas.

Usando esta base de dados no website www.buildingmarkets.org pode:* encontrar rapidamente bens e serviços localmente através de [1] Timor-Leste.* Organizar serviços de buffet para um evento num distrito, estando em Dili.* Comprar utensílios de agricultura fabricados nas áreas rurais.* Obter uma escala maior de produtos, serviços, cotas e/ou conhecimento acerca do sector doméstico privado.* Aceder ao sector privado nos locais mais distantes de Timor-Leste.*

Encontrar agentes imobiliários, comerciantes de cascalho, fornecedores de VSAT, alojamento nos distritos, e mesmo serviços de veterinário.

Em cooperação comMinistério do Turismo, Comércio e Indústria da República Democrática de Timor-Leste

Financiado porAusAID
E apoiado porMerpati

A base de dados está sob revisão constante. Para postar o seu perfil na base de dados ou para reportar erros por favor contacte Peace Dividend Trust via mailto:timordatabase@peacedividendtrust.org>timordatabase@peacedividendtrust.org and +670 332 2825.

Para aprender acerca de compras localmente veja buylocaltimorleste.blogspot.com[1] Correntemente Lautem, Viqueque, Baucau, Dili, e Manatuto foram avaliados. Os restantes distritos estarão completados em Agosto 2008. A base de dados então submeter-se-à a regular validação.

LH: Public should be consulted on Petroleum Authority Law

On 23 May 2008, La'o Hamutuk wrote the following open letter to Alfredo Pires, RDTL Secretary of State for Natural Resources, urging public consultation on the draft decree-law to establish a National Petroleum Authority (NPA).

For background information and PDF files in English and Tetum, see www.laohamutuk.org/Oil/PetRegime/NPAlaw/08RestructIndex.htm .---------------


23 May 2008
Mr. Alfredo Pires, Secretary of State for Natural Resources Fomento Building, Mandarin, Dili, Timor-Leste

Dear Mr. Secretary:

As you know, La’o Hamutuk has closely followed oil and gas issues in Timor-Leste since before the restoration of independence six years ago. We share your goal of maximizing the benefits of petroleum development for Timor-Leste’s people, and ensuring that this development is transparent and well-understood by all. We believe that we have played an important role in helping to bridge between the knowledge, priorities and viewpoints of governments, civil society, petroleum companies, foreign experts, international institutions, the Timorese people and the media.

La’o Hamutuk appreciates the willingness of your Secretariat and its predecessors to meet with us regularly to explain the Government’s plans, perspectives and activities in the oil and gas sector. However, we are concerned about the lack of information and consultation regarding pending legislation about regulating petroleum development.

La’o Hamutuk has asked several times about pending legislation to establish a National Petroleum Authority (NPA). Your special adviser has told us that you do not plan to hold a public consultation on this law, which is fundamental to the future management of Timor-Leste’s most important and dangerous resource. We believe that this approach is contrary to the interests of the people of Timor-Leste, to the law and Constitution of this country, and to often-repeated promises by AMP leaders to respect transparency, good governance, accountability, democracy and the rule of law. We urge you to reconsider.

As you may know, La’o Hamutuk has participated in every Timor-Leste public consultation regarding the petroleum sector. During the previous government, we wrote detailed analyses of the proposed Petroleum Fund law (three times), the Petroleum Act and model PSC, the legislative package on restructuring petroleum industry activities (twice), the ENI seismic environmental plan and the local content guidelines. La’o Hamutuk has made three submissions to each of the Timor-Leste and Australian Parliaments regarding proposed treaties. We encouraged submissions from many others, including international experts and local and international NGOs.

We also made a submission to the only petroleum-related public consultation conducted by the AMP government so far, on the Reliance seismic environmental plan. All of our submissions, as well as many others, are on our website from www.laohamutuk.org/Oil/OilIndex.html.

We believe that our suggestions have helped improve management of Timor-Leste’s petroleum industry. In some cases, such as the draft National Regulatory Authority for Petroleum, Natural Gas and Biofuels (ARNP) and national oil company (PETROTIL) laws circulated in April 2007, our input led to avoiding mistakes which would have damaged Timor-Leste’s future. Because we brought dangerous provisions of those drafts to public attention, the time for consultation was extended and they were not enacted prior to the Fretilin Government being voted out of office.

We appreciate that the AMP Government is redrafting these laws, and that the TSDA and DNPG regulatory mechanisms will be combined in a National Petroleum Authority. We welcomed your announcement at La’o Hamutuk’s public meeting last September that you plan to pass a Petroleum Optimization Law and a Petroleum Depletion law, and that AMP is committed to improve on practices of transparency initiated by the Fretilin Government.

We were also gratified to see, in the State Budget for 2008 approved by Parliament last December, that one of the main programs of SERN for this year is (emphasis added) to “Draft consult and enact legislations for the establishment of the National Petroleum Authority and the Institute for Petroleum and Geology.” Under the SERN Action Plan for this year, we appreciated item III:

III. Establishment of the National Petroleum Authority (NPA) and the Institute for Petroleum and Geology (IPG) Drafting, consultation and enactment of the legislation for the establishment of the NPA and the IPG The draft laws, regulations and strategic plans are done thoroughly The draft laws, regulations and strategic plans are to be finished on time and ready to be presented at the Council of Minister in February. 80% of the Draft is to be ready by February 2008, and public consultation and enactment will be done thereafter. It is expected that by the end of March the legislation is enacted.

We are not concerned that the schedule has slipped. However, it now appears that SERN has decided to enact these laws without public consultation, ignoring its promise to Parliament and to the people of Timor-Leste. Prioritizing expediency over democracy contradicts the “Year of Administrative Reform” declared by the Prime Minister.

We understand that the Government through SERN intends to establish the NPA as a decree-law by the Council of Ministers, rather than allowing elected Parliamentary representatives to approve this important legislation. We believe that this is both a legal and a practical mistake, in violation of the letter and spirit of Articles 92 and 95 of the RDTL Constitution, as well as undercutting public confidence in a vital sector. La’o Hamutuk explained this in detail in our July 2007 submission on the package to restructure petroleum regulation, available at

www.laohamutuk.org/Oil/PetRegime/Restruc/07RestructLHSub2Jul07.pdf (pages 4-6). If this legislation is pushed through as a decree-law, 13 Members of Parliament could force a Parliamentary Review under Article 98 of the Constitution, endangering the stability of this Government and the public’s confidence in it.

We are also concerned about the long-term stability of the regulatory regime for petroleum development in Timor-Leste. If the NPA is created by decree-law, a future government could modify it in the same way, in secret and without Parliamentary discussion. This possibility undermines the trust of buyers of Timor-Leste’s oil and gas, as well as petroleum companies who operate projects here, that agreements they sign will be honored for the decades that projects will operate. Timor-Leste’s regulatory regime must be built on solid, stable foundations as it is essential for the well-being of our state and future generations.

We understand that one of your priorities at SERN, as well as in the recent reorganization of TSDA, is to give Timorese people more responsibility and authority, and we agree with that.

However, these principles are appropriate for citizens as well as government personnel, and enacting legislation in secret contradicts them.

Furthermore, we have heard that some Timorese staff and international advisors in SERN feel that they have not been informed or consulted about the draft NPA law, and that the legislation was shared with Australian officials before being discussed among knowledgeable people in SERN. We encourage you to use the extensive experience, perspectives and expertise within your own Secretariat. It may be inconvenient to spend a few hours or days on internal consultation, but this legislation will be in effect for many years and each article improved now will avert larger problems in the future.

In his address to the Development Partners last month, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão declared that the IV Constitutional Government is “supported by a set of principles and values:

civic and human rights; tolerance and respect; transparency and good governance; social participation; and compliance with justice and law,….” We believe that these principles and values call for broad internal and public consultation on this legislation.

Thank you very much for your attention, and we look forward to reviewing the draft legislation and participating in a public consultation on the National Petroleum Authority Law, prior to its submission to the Council of Ministers and Parliament.

Sincerely,

Viriato Seac, Tibor van Staveren, Charles ScheinerLa’o Hamutuk Natural Resources Team

Cc: Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, Secretary of State for Council of Ministers Agio Pereira, Francisco Monteiro, Civil Society liaison Joaquim Fonseca, Parliamentary leaders , media, public.

***********************************************************La'o Hamutuk (The Timor-Leste Institute for Development Monitoring and Analysis)P.O. Box 340, Dili, Timor-Leste (East Timor)Telephone: +670-3325013 or +670-734-0965 mobileemail: charlie@laohamutuk.org

website: http://www.laohamutuk.org