The Australian
Paul Toohey September 02, 2008
VICTOR and Teresa de Sousa were friends of Alfredo Reinado's lover, Angie Pires, and had come to know the rebel leader. Reinado was charming and edgy; they sometimes went to the hills to lunch with him. On this day, February 10, he took them by surprise with a remark that would, in hindsight, carry heavy meaning.
"If I die tomorrow, what will you put on my grave?" Reinado asked.
"It was like he was only half-joking. We were silent, we were all shocked," says Teresa.
Men with guns were coming and going from Reinado's hilltop hideaway. Cars were being readied. Victor and Teresa did not know he was planning a visit to Dili.
Victor had bought Reinado a bottle of vodka. "I put it on the table. He said, 'No, Victor, I don't want to drink. I want to change my life'. Normally when I go there, he drinks. He said, 'All you people can go to the beach on the weekend. I want to be the same as you. I don't want to live here in the bush any more. I don't deserve this life'. He was not the same person."
The following day Reinado was dead, shot inside President Jose Ramos Horta's villa after a dawn visit and, soon after, Ramos Horta would be lying on the road outside his home after being hit by two bullets.
Reinado had become desperate. He'd offended just about everyone in authority in East Timor with his refusal to surrender his stolen weapons and end a two-year stand-off.
One of Reinado's senior non-rebel advisers, who knows the truth and begs not to be named, says, "He had lost patience because the Government had no mechanism to solve his problem."
Ramos Horta, who had promised amnesty for Reinado, realised he did not have the power to deliver on his promises and was under strong pressure not to do Reinado any favours. Reinado decided to force a meeting.
It was a dangerous gambit, so he had his second-in-command, Gastao Salsinha, wait at Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao's house in the Dili hills as his insurance policy in case things went wrong.
In the words of one Australian military source: "They went to Dili to touch power, to get close, to kidnap or kill if needed. This is very simple case of a murderer and a bandit doing what he did best. And things did go wrong."
In Reinado's pocket, along with his magic protection charms, was his fake Indonesian identity card. On the night before the attacks he took a text message from a mystery woman, who told Reinado she would love him forever. Investigators have been unable to trace the source of that message but think it was one of his many girlfriends.
Conspiracies are swirling in East Timor, blaming Gusmao for faking his own ambush. The theory goes that Gusmao used planted agents to tell Reinado that Ramos Horta wanted to see him, and had him executed; and that he also wanted to kill Ramos Horta, who was talking about bringing forward elections that could have ended Gusmao's ruling coalition. The ambush was a decoy to establish Gusmao's innocence.
There is no proof for this. What is certain is that Reinado had lost hope. Secret recordings published by The Australian show Reinado and Ramos Horta had run out of things to talk about in their last meeting on January 13.
Gusmao had made no secret of his hate for Reinado, saying in late 2007 that he wanted him captured "dead or alive". By early 2008, Gusmao was making efforts to undermine Reinado.
In early 2006, some 600 western-born petitioners were sacked after abandoning their barracks claiming discrimination within East Timor's armed forces, with eastern-born soldiers (more likely to be former anti-Indonesian resistance fighters) being preferred for promotion.
The near civil war that followed saw thousands of Timorese take to tent camps around Dili, refusing to return to their homes while the rebel stand-off continued. For Gusmao, the problem of Reinado and the refugees was linked. Proof of that came when Reinado was killed: they all packed up and went home.
It also meant Reinado's death suited Gusmao. It does not follow that he had him killed.
Gusmao had appointed his special adviser Joaquin Fonseca to try to separate the petitioners from Reinado's leadership group, by bringing them down to Dili to live in cantonment. Reinado knew that once the petitioners were taken from him, he was nothing: just a group of 22 rebels that could be easily destroyed.
Fonseca focused on a group of 11 of the original petitioners who were fed up with Reinado. "They were pissed off that Alfredo didn't keep his word by not turning up to meetings. They thought he was playing." These 11 were sent to speak with petitioners, offering safety and compensation if they came down to Dili.
As Fonseca was trying to assure the petitioners they would be safe in the Dili cantonment, a cocktail-bomb was thrown into the compound. That was on February 6 and was courtesy of Reinado.
"Reinado had said the cantonment was not going to happen," said Fonseca. Nevertheless, the following day, the first group of 87 petitioners came down to Dili. On the night of February 7, a grenade exploded in the ISF's barracks in Dili, also thought to be a rebel message.
"I warned the prime minister in January there would be trouble when we separated Alfredo from the petitioners," said Fonseca. "I learned the only power he had was drawn from the petitioners." Fonseca prevailed and the petitioners started coming down in big numbers. Reinado's influence was collapsing.
On February 9, Reinado received a message from Ramos Horta that a meeting scheduled for the following week was not going to happen. Reinado became morose, believing Ramos Horta had given up on him. He began to gather his core rebels.
A shady group called MUNJ - the Movement for National Unity and Justice - spent the last days with Reinado.
They supplied the vehicles used in the Dili visit. MUNJ had recently resigned from a task force set up to resolve the Reinado issue. The Australian learned recently that the rebels continue to protect MUNJ, saying its members were not with Reinado on February 10. This was despite photographic evidence to the contrary.
Fonseca lived 300m from the President's villa. On the morning of February 11, at about 6.20am, Fonseca heard two separate bursts of automatic fire."As I told my wife we had to leave, neighbours came saying, 'Get out of the house. Alfredo's men have shot the President'." It is known Reinado was alive at least until 6.17am, when he made his last call to his buddy Salsinha.
The Australian manager of the Dili ANZ branch, Mike Durman, had been on a morning bike ride past Ramos Horta's villa. He looked up and saw outside the gate of the President's house gunmen walking around firing weapons. It was between 6.30am and 6.45am.
Then, from behind a concrete block about 30m away, someone started firing close over Durman's shoulder. The shots may have come from a rebel posted to keep anyone from entering the area. Durman sheltered behind a statue, and then rode back to warn Ramos Horta, whom he'd just ridden past.
The President seemed startled by the news. He started heading for his home, but would not get far up the road before he was shot.
Reinado and his mate Leopoldino were already dead inside the President's compound, having been shot - as autopsy results would show - at point-black range. When Reinado and his 11 rebels arrived in two cars, just as daylight was breaking, the two sleepy guards on the front gate were clearly not expecting them. They went to arm their weapons but were restrained by Reinado, who ordered one of his men to watch them while he went inside with three rebels.
They removed automatic rifles and machine guns from sleeping guards and took them back out to their vehicles. Some were wearing balaclavas, which is not what expected visitors wear.
The public story is that Reinado and Leopoldino were shot from a distance. It seems more likely that they were surprised by two of the President's guards at close quarters. Reinado was shot through the hand and the neck as he offered a reflex defence, and then again, twice, once he had dropped. Leopoldino was shot through the back of the head.
Reinado's gunshot wounds featured blackening and burning, forensic evidence that he was shot at a point-blank range. The sniper story was likely concocted to protect the President's guards, who had acted in understandable haste.
Reinado's rebels were not the crack soldiers they imagined themselves to be. There is a belief Reinado had not even explained the mission to his men. "They were small people," says an investigator. "Reinado never told them anything."
The rebels called out for Reinado, who did not respond. There was a brief exchange of fire. Most of them ran for the hills. Two braver rebels delayed, and one of them, upon sighting Ramos Horta walking up the street, shot him on the belief he had lured Reinado to his death. As they ran, they sent text messages up to Salsinha that Reinado was gone.
Salsinha was a coward, and on this morning had put a number of his men in ambush positions while making sure he was clear of the action.
Gusmao's security, preparing to take the boss to work, received calls at 6.45am that there was gunfire at the President's house. Gusmao decided to go down. By the time Fonseca got through to Gusmao to warn him that Ramos Horta had been shot, Gusmao was inside the ambush.
Salsinha watched the motorcade pass and gave the order to attack the Prime Minister's car.
Then he walked inside the house, pretending to ask if the Prime Minister was in residence.
Despite persistent claims Gusmao set the thing up, I keep returning to the interview I had with Gusmao's driver, Adolfo Suarez dos Santos. This man was uncomplicated and honest. When the firing started, a bullet came through the back of the vehicle, through his seat and lodged in the dashboard. Gusmao, who was by then laying on the back seat, was lucky to survive.
This was a genuine attempt by incompetent rebels to kill or kidnap the Prime Minister, in response to Reinado's death. "I went to see the (PM's) car at the police station," said Fonseca. "They weren't playing."
The core group of rebels had come to hate Gusmao. They believed he had used them in the troubles of 2006 to help overthrow Mari Alkatiri's Fretilin government but had since abandoned them.
Even so, Gusmao had more rebel blood than any of these men and retained a certain mystique.
Explaining why the men could not finish him off, or kidnap him, Fonseca said: "It takes a lot of courage to face Xanana, you know. They would have been very nervous about killing him."
terça-feira, setembro 02, 2008
Ramshackle revolution
East Timor president heads to Cuba
ABC Radio Australia
Updated September 2, 2008 20:31:28
East Timor's President has boarded a plane to Cuba for a medical check up.
Jose Ramos Horta has gunshot wounds from an attack on him in February by rebels.
The nobel laureate was given a military guard as he boarded a commercial flight to Singapore from Dili's airport.
East Timor's Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao says the President is still feeling unwell.
But he says Dr Ramos Horta also wants to convey the solidarity of the Timorese people to Cuba, where Hurricane Gustav swept through on Saturday.
The hurricane destroyed many buildings.
segunda-feira, setembro 01, 2008
Convite para comemoração do aniversário do referendo de 1999
CONVITE
Prezado/a Amigo/a de Timor
Irmão/ã e Conterrâneo Timorense
Estimados Associados
Associação Para Timorenses – APARATI, o “CROCODILO E O SEU LABARIK” têm a honra de vos convidar para se associarem ao evento da Comemoração do Referendo de Agosto de 1999 e a Festa dos Estudantes Timorenses que concluiram o estudo em 2007 e 2008, culminando com a noite de jantar e baile abrilhantada pelo conjunto “IRMÃOS BORROMEU”, não faltando os pratos típicos timorenses como o saboroso Tukir, Sassate e Ikan Saboko, não regados com a TUA ACA, mas jamais faltará o sumo da uva e a loirinha de Sagres.
Aparece e traz um amigo.
Antecipadamente grato pela vossa presença,
O Presidente da Direcção
Manuel Jacob Guerra Caldas
Associação Para Timorenses
APARATI
Comemora o Referendo de 1999 e organiza a Festa dos Estudantes Timorenses que concluiram o estudo em 2007 e 2008
Referendo de 30 de Agosto de 1999
O maior e mais importante marco histórico do povo timorense.
A mudança política na Indonésia para a democracia e a colaboração da comunidade internacional, cujos protagonistas foram a ONU, Portugal, Indonésia e Timor, permitiu o encerramento do capítulo mais conturbado, cheio de páginas de sofrimento de luta pela liberdade do Homem Timorense.
INDEPENDÊNCIA – Consequência do referendo
Sonho tornado realidade graças às forças naturais e sobrenaturais que comandam a vontade e actividade do homem.
Chegou finalmente o tempo de mudança (mudam-se os tempos, mudam-se as vontades) em relação aos senhores governantes desta ilha paradisíaca perdida no hemisfério sul – O CROCODILO E O SEU LABARIK – serem finalmente livres e independentes.
Finalista
Semelhante ao alpinista que para atingir o ponto mais alto da terra ter que atravessar vários perigos, provas mais duras de determinação de vontade de vencer ao longo da caminhada de ascensão.
Quando atinge finalmente o ponto mais alto o alpinista sente-se realizado e orgulhoso por ver o mundo estender-se aos seus pés e considerar-se consagrado vencedor.
O finalista é também autêntico vencedor porque atingiu o mais alto dos seus sonhos, tendo aos seus pés o mundo que passará a servi-lo com todos os conhecimentos adquiridos ao longo da caminhada difícil dos seus estudos, muitas vezes cheias de incertezas e interrogações.
Programa
1º dia – 5 de Setembro de 2008 – sexta-feira
17H00 – Inauguração da exposição de pintura de quadros temáticos timorenses e artesanato por Senhor Embaixador da República Democrática de Timor-Leste em Portugal, Dr. Manuel Soares Abrantes.
17H40 – Palestra sobre Referendo por Sr. Provedor da RDP Adelino Gomes e Engenheiro Luís Cardoso e jornalista
18H00 – Manifestação cultural com actuação do grupo cultural BEI GUA
18H30 – Recitação de duas poesias por Letícia N. C. Baptista e Carlos N. F. Morais.
19H00 – Cocktail
Local: Instalações do INATEL nas praias de Oeiras – junto ao Forte de São Julião da Barra
Como lá chegar – Av. Marginal Lisboa/Cascais e Vice-Versa com saída em S. Julião da Barra para INATEL.
Comboio Lisboa/Cascais e Vice-Versa com saída na estação da CP de Oeiras para INATEL, junto à praia.
2º dia – 6 de Setembro de 2008 – Sábado
11H00 – Torneio Futsal no estádio 1º de Maio em Alvalade – Lisboa
17H00 – Testemunho de dois recém-licenciados: Vicente Paulino e Filomena Isabel
17H30 – Manifestação cultural apresentada pelo grupo cultural Associação dos Académicos Timorenses de Coimbra (ATC) (a confirmar)
18H00 – Entrega de troféu e prenda aos Finalistas
19H00 – Jantar seguido de baile
24H00 – Encerramento
Local: Grupo Desportivo Unidos Caxienses em Laveiras, frente à esquadra da PSP.
Como lá chegar – Comboio Lisboa/Cascais e Vice-Versa com saída na estação CP de Caxias e Camioneta LT117 até á paragem de Laveiras. Camioneta LT117 no parque das camionetas junto à estação CP de Monte Abraão para Caxias com paragem em Laveiras.
Inscrição para Jantar e baile
Associados € 10,00
Não associados € 15,00
Pagamento
Cheque em nome de Associação Para Timorenses – APARATI
Transferência através das Caixas de Multibanco para a conta bancária número 21780 2741 0530
Pagamento directo na entrada
Confirmação da presença até dia 1 de Setembro de 2008
Contactos:
963301815 – Manuel J. G. Caldas
933553829 – Dr. Carvalho Martins
967107943 – Cipriano S. Soares
964132131 – Maria de Fátima F. C. C. Viegas
962458286 – Drª Fernanda M. A. F. Castilho
Patrocinadores
Embaixada da República Democrática de Timor-Leste em Portugal
Embaixada da República da Indonésia em Portugal (a confirmar)
Apoios
INATEL
Grupos Culturais Timorenses – Bei Gua e Associação dos Académicos Timorenses de Coimbra (ATC) (a confirmar)
Pintores – Leopoldino Soriano, Abel Júpiter, Herman Handjan, Victor Lobo e Maria Dulce
Artesãos – João Filipe Gonçalves Tolentino, Fátima Guterres e outros
Juventude Timorense
Agradecimentos
Em nome da equipa que realizou este evento, realço a distinta comparência de Vossas Excelências que muito honraram e animaram este nosso modesto convívio.
Bem hajam e até o próximo
O Presidente da Direcção
Manuel Jacob Guerra Caldas
sábado, agosto 30, 2008
Conto: PALAVRAS VOAM NO VENTO
Carlos Correia Santos
A pequena Dora adorava dizer coisas feias. Sim, ela tinha aquele terrível hábito. Dora adorava falar bobagens, xingamentos, palavras ruins. Sua mãe ficava triste com aquilo. Muito triste.
Certa manhã, antes de sair para o trabalho, a mãe de Dora pediu: “Minha filha, experimente dizer coisas bonitas”. A garota fez pouco caso. A senhora prosseguiu: “Tu sabias que as palavras voam no vento. Se dizes coisas ruins, o mal sai por aí e se multiplica. Mas se dizes coisas belas... o vento faz com que a bondade se espalhe pelo mundo”.
A jovenzinha ficou intrigada. Assim que sua mãe se foi, ela decidiu testar a teoria. Abriu a porta de casa e foi para a rua. Olhou em volta... olhou para o céu.. Tudo parecia sem graça. Pensou consigo mesma: tinha que dizer uma palavra bonita? Mas qual? Escolheu uma, depois outra. Por fim, encheu o peito e gritou com toda a força: AMOR!!!!...
Uma enorme e fortíssima rajada de vento se fez. As folhas das árvores em volta balançaram intensamente. Uma borboleta começou a brincar no ar. Giros lindos, giros incríveis. Dora seguiu o bichinho. Viu quando ele se pôs a dançar ao redor de uma moça. Viu a moça sorrir com a borboleta. Viu a moça começar a dançar como uma bailarina. Seguiu a moça. Viu quando ela, cheia de alegria, mandou beijos para uma andorinha que sobrevoava um jardim. A andorinha bateu suas asas com grande encantamento e magia. A ave se lançou às nuvens. Rodou, rodou. De repente, deu um rasante sobre um canteiro e pegou com seu bico uma delicada flor vermelha.
Dora seguiu a andorinha. Viu quando o pássaro deixou a flor cair nas mãos de um rapaz. Um rapaz que estava sentando num banco de praça. O moço sorriu para a flor que acabara de receber.
Ficou fascinado, capturado por um imenso contentamento. Tomou para si o caderno que estava ao seu lado, arrancou uma folha em branco e começou a escrever. Escreveu um poema. Um suave e emocionado poema. Dora viu quando o rapaz leu para o vento o poema. E os versos diziam: “Ame porque o amor significa cantar. Cante, cante, cante. Porque quem canta encanta e sabe melhor amar”. Nossa amiga viu quando uma súbita ventania arrancou o papel da mão do jovem e levou embora sua poesia. Dora tentou correr para não perder de vista o escrito. Tentou e tentou. Mas nada conseguiu. O vento foi mais ágil. O papel com o poema se perdeu cidade afora. Cansada com toda aquela andança, a menina voltou para casa. Sentou-se na soleira de seu lar e suspirou. Estava com saudade. Com muitas saudades de sua mãe. Percebeu mais do que nunca como ela era importante em sua vida. Caia a tarde quando nossa garota, ainda sentada na calçada de casa, viu sua mãe retornar do trabalho.
A senhora correu, abraçou fortemente sua filha e disse-lhe ao ouvido: “Eu te amo, minha princesa. Eu te amo muito, muito mesmo”. Dora se comoveu e disse: “Também te amo, mamãe.
Muito, muito mesmo”. A mãe se afastou um pouquinho, abriu a bolsa e tirou de lá de dentro um presente: um pedaço de papel dobrado em quatro. Disse ela: “Tome, minha filha. É para ti. Eu estava na janela do escritório e o vento me trouxe esse pedaço de papel. Leia... É para ti”. Dora abriu o papel e chorou ao ler o poema que nele estava escrito. Diziam os versos: “Ame porque o amor significa cantar. Cante, cante, cante. Porque quem canta encanta e sabe melhor amar”.
* Carlos Correia Santos é poeta, contista e dramaturgo, autor selecionado no Edital Curta Criança do Ministério da Cultura e premiado pela Funarte na categoria teatro infanto-juvenil.
quarta-feira, agosto 27, 2008
ADB warns of Pacific poverty risk from food, fuel prices
ABC Online
Updated August 27, 2008 18:39:05
The Asian Development Bank is moving to help Pacific countries cushion the impact of soaring global fuel and food prices.
The ADB says if high world prices cut real income for poorer households, by as much as 10 percent, then 1.4 million Pacific islanders will slip below the poverty line by the end of the year.
The ADB is providing $US 225,000 to help developing nations in the region fully assess the impact of rising prices, which have left some with double digit inflation, power shortages and a struggling economy.
And the bank has called on East Timor and Papua New Guinea to use their higher government revenue from mining and oil to help those in need.
East Timor debates use of oil riches
The National (Abu Dhabi)
Marianne Kearney, Foreign Correspondent
Last Updated: August 26. 2008 10:31PM UAE / August 26. 2008 6:31PM GMT
DILI // Plans to build a massive new power station in East Timor have stirred debate over the use of the tiny and impoverished country’s oil profits amid fears the government is squandering its hard-won oil and gas wealth.
The US$390 million (Dh1.43 billion) power station would be the largest project built in the country, where power blackouts are frequent and many areas lack access to the electricity grid.
But critics have objected to the plant, both because of its use of imported heavy oil, a technology mostly considered outdated in the West due to its polluting by-products, such as sulphur, and because it is to be partially funded by dipping into the country’s protected oil and gas funds. This month, the opposition Fretilin Party refused to sign off on the budget because it included funding for the plant.
“We put forward a vote in parliament to eliminate funding for a heavy oil power station in favour of the government exploring renewable energy initiatives,” said Jose Teixeira, an opposition spokesman and former state secretary for natural resources.
With few other resources apart from oil and gas, East Timor established one of the world’s most progressive oil-fund laws, modelled on Norway’s: just three per cent of its profits can be used for public spending; the rest is saved in a sovereign US-based fund that will be used for future East Timor generations.
The country enacted the law to avoid the resource curse: oil- and gas-rich countries squandering their money on expensive projects, with much of the oil profits ending up in the pockets of the elite and little of the wealth trickling down to ordinary citizens.
Jose Ramos-Horta, the president, opposition figures and donors fear the government under Xanana Gusmao, a former guerrilla fighter, plans to recklessly spend a huge portion of the oil money.
The almost $800m midyear budget is more than twice what was budgeted for the first six months of 2008. It also proposes to withdraw an additional $290m of oil funds above the level considered sustainable.
“If this continues, we fear there will be no money left for East Timor’s future,” said Viriato Seac, from La’o Hamutuk, a local group that monitors the government and the oil and gas industry.
Mr Ramos-Horta said he would refuse to pass the budget into law, as there was widespread objection, both at home and among such donors as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to the use of additional oil funds.
However, one day after publicly criticising the budget, he said his office accidentally signed off on it after he had left on a trip to China. He issued an apology.
The Fretilin Party has also argued that the budget, which would spend $600m in just five months, could lead to corruption.
“[There are] big increases for overseas travel for ministers, luxury four-wheel drive cars for MPs and cars for civil servants. The money will just disappear and risk the rise of both corruption and inflation,” Mr Teixeira said.
The state secretary for electricity and water has vowed to push on with the electricity station, arguing East Timor desperately needs power if its economy is to grow.
“We need to deliver electricity quickly to the people,” Januario da Costa said.
He argued that more environmentally friendly types of stations, such the hydro-powered plant currently supplying power to eastern Timor, take too long to build. “We’ve been building the Iralalaro hydroelectric power station from 2003 until now, and it’s still not complete,” he said.
The government has argued that public spending is necessary to combat the high unemployment and social unrest plaguing much of the remote, mountainous country, since the outbreak of violence and instability in 2006.
Tens of thousands of people were displaced during the crisis, most of whom have only recently returned to their homes. East Timor also has been severely hit by rising global oil and food prices, and part of the budget will be used to subsidise the cost of basic foods.
Sources within the finance ministry are particularly concerned with the large amount of money allocated for the power station, and the $240m to subsidise food and other basic necessities.
“No previous government ever spent more than $180m a year, how will they spend over $770m this year?” asked one foreign adviser in the finance ministry.
Critics also said the government may have already chosen a company to build the power station and grid, because it allowed just three weeks for international companies to put in an expression of interest.
Mr Costa denied there was any favoured tenderer and said despite the short time period, 14 multinational companies, including those from Australia and Singapore, had submitted proposals.
Mr Teixeira, the opposition spokesman, said the country needed projects that created employment and upgraded infrastructure, but said he feared the electricity station would be “a white elephant” that “squandered the country’s future”.
East Timor is one of Asia’s poorest countries and has struggled for years to obtain the billions of dollars in revenue from its oil and gas fields.
Australia, which originally signed an agreement with former conquering power Indonesia, initially claimed it should have the right to 50 per cent of the oil and gas fields in the Timor Sea, based on an earlier deal with Jakarta. But since 2002, East Timor has argued that under current maritime laws 90 per cent of the fields would be considered within its sea boundaries.
mkearney@thenational.ae
Ver para crer. Não é, Zé?...
Se Ramos-Horta não acreditava, ou queria que não acreditássemos, na execução de Alfredo Reinado, atraído a casa do Presidente pelos homens de Xanana Gusmão, aqui está.
Ver para crer.
Agora, que desculpa se segue?...
Documentos na íntegra:
Attempted assasination of President Ramos-Horta investigation documents 2008
From Wikileaks
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timor-horta-shooting-documents-2008.zip (click to view full file)
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Analysis
Carefully assess this document and post your findings. Summary
The archive presents six scanned documents pertaining to the Feb 11, 2008 shooting of José Ramos-Horta, President of East Timor (Democratic Republic of Timor Leste) and the killings of Leopoldino Mendonca Exposto and East Timor rebel commander Alfredo Reinado.
autopsy-alfredo-reinado-110208.pdf presents the Feb 11, 2008 autopsy report for Alfredo Reinado conducted by Dr. Muhammad Nurul Islam of Hospital Nacional Guido Valadares, Departamento de Pathologia Forensica and observed by agents from UNPOL, PNTL and the UNDP. The manner of death specified is "Homicide" as a result of multiple gunshot wounds, including one inflicted from the front into the neck. All wounds are declared to have been high-velocity and fired from a short distance.
autopsy-leopoldino-exposto-110208.pdf presents a second Feb 11, 2008 autopsy filed by Dr. Muhammad Nurul Islam, this time into the death of Leopoldino Mendonca Exposto. The manner of death is "Homocide" caused by a gunshot injury to the head, supposedly entering through the back of the head and also fired at high-velocity from a close range.
tt-relations-n-110208.pdf (where n is 1 to 4 inclusive) presents 4 parts of a sophisticated intelligence diagram illustrating the telephone contacts between various people, including Alfredo Reinado, President José Ramos-Horta, other members of the Timor political elite and persons in Australia and Indonesia. The documents have been assembled into a single image by Wikileaks staff and are presented separately as East Timor Presidential assassination intelligence intercept map 2008.
major-alfredo-sms-protocol.pdf presents a log of mobile phone short messages to and from Major Reinado that were intercepted either side of his death on Feb 11, 2008.
mou-sosaatu-maj-kareta-joy-goncalves.pdf presents a memorandum of understanding between Ermera Moris Foun and Joanico Goncalves about the exchange of a Nissan Safari 1997 model for the price of USD 13,000. The money is to be exchanged in at least two steps. The document is dated 20th of December 2007. freedom-of-movement-for-major-alfredo-reinado-oct2007.pdf presents a letter dated 12th of December 2007 and signed by José Ramos Horta, the President of the Democratic Republic of Timor Leste. The letter is a written guarantee that neither Reinado nor his men will be captured during "the period of the process of dialogue". This process is declared as the sole possibility to solve the crisis spawned in 2006 and uphold justice in Timor Leste. The order is "incumbent" for all "national and international institutions in Timor Leste" and applies for example to "movements and displacements of Major Alfredo Reinado and his group". Another copy of this document was released by Wikileaks as Timor rebel leader Reinado safe conduct letter on September 3, 2007.
Context
Timor Leste
Government (bureaucracy) Wikileaks release date
Monday August 25, 2008
Primary language English
File size in bytes 3331817
File type information Zip archive data, at least v2.0 to extract
Cryptographic identity SHA256 f1779be191b7216015ca26de7f5a3ce2899fd1a8d9224630194e922424f6df6f
Traduções
Mensagem inicial - 16 de Maio de 2006
Links
