Autópsias revelam que autores dos atentados terão sido executados

Jornal Digital
2008-08-13 11:21:17

Díli - As autópsias aos corpos dos autores do atentado de 11 de Fevereiro contra José Ramos Horta apontam para uma execução à queima-roupa e na nuca, local que teria sido muito difícil de alcançar num tiroteio.

De acordo com o jornal «The Australian», as autópsias ao Major Alfredo Reinado e ao soldado Leopoldino, revelam que os tiros foram disparados a menos de 30 centímetros, uma vez que as feridas no corpo de Reinado apresentam hematomas profundos.Segundo os médicos australianos que praticaram a autópsia, é impossível que as marcas de bala no cadáver de Reinado tenham sido causadas por disparos de soldados a mais de dez metros de distância, como afirma a versão oficial.Estes resultados vêm colocar de lado a teoria de os rebeldes terem sido mortos pelas forças de segurança do Presidente Ramos Horta, aquando da tentativa de assassinato.

Caso se confirme, o assassinato do líder rebelde pode gerar novas tensões no Timor-Leste, que desde que obteve a independência, em 2002, luta para conseguir estabilidade política, que lhe permita concentrar-se no desenvolvimento económico.

Citado pela Rádio Renascença, Mário Carrascalão, líder do PSD-Timorense, não se surpreende com a notícia, pois na sua opinião esta história teve sempre contornos anormais. «Aceito isso com normalidade. Para mim este caso do Major reinado é muito estranho. Não é surpresa para mim ter havido este elemento novo e que venha a haver no futuro outros», afirmou sublinhando que há muitos timorenses que não acreditam que Reinado tentasse assassinar Ramos Horta.

Os factos ainda estão a ser investigados pela Procuradoria Geral do Timor-Leste e por um comité especial das Nações Unidas.

(c) PNN Portuguese News Network

Autópsia a Alfredo Reinado indicia execução na casa do Presidente de Timor-Leste

2008-08-13 16:01:00
Público

Segundo as conclusões do patologista forense que conduziu as autópsias, Muhammad Nurul Islam, citado pelo jornal, Reinado e Exposto foram mortos "a curta distância" com uma arma de alta velocidade.

A versão até agora pública era que Alfredo Reinado, um major de 42 anos com formação na Austrália, que liderava um motim há um ano, e Leopoldino Exposto tinham sido apanhados desprevenidos quando entravam no recinto da residência de Ramos-Horta, a 11 de Fevereiro, e tinham sido mortos por um guarda a uma distância de pelo menos dez a quinze metros.

Mas agora veio saber-se que Exposto foi morto com um tiro no centro da nuca disparado de "muito próximo", o que é típico de uma morte por execução, e que os quatro orifícios de bala no corpo de Reinado apresentavam em seu redor queimaduras e um escurecimento significativo.

Novas dúvidas sobre o que aconteceu

"The Australian" cita ainda um especialista australiano do Instituto de Medicina Forense do estado de Vitória que diz ser consensual e muito claro nesta especialidade que "queimado e escurecimento são característicos de tiros a muito curta distância, provavelmente a menos de um pé [cerca de 30 cm]".

A 11 de Fevereiro, o Presidente de Timor-Leste foi atingido por vários tiros quando regressava a casa após a sua corrida matinal, e um dos seus guardas foi morto. Ficou num coma prolongado e esteve às portas da morte em Darwin, Austrália, onde foi tratado.

No mesmo dia e quase à mesma hora, o primeiro-ministro e ex-Presidente, Xanana Gusmão, saiu ileso de um atentado à coluna de veículos que o transporta de casa para o seu gabinete.

"The Australian" diz que estes dados das autópsias permitem concluir que os acontecimentos no recinto da residência presidencial não são tão claros como tinham sido descritos até aqui e que é de admitir que Reinado e Exposto possam ter sido atraídos para uma armadilha ou ter sido feitos prisioneiros antes de serem executados.

"Jornal da Republica" online

"Jornal da Republica" de Timor-Leste já está disponível, para pesquisa, em:

http://www.mj.gov.tl/jornal/

Was East Timor rebel leader executed by presidential guard?

Times Online
August 13, 2008

Anne Barrowclough in Sydney

East Timorese rebel leader Alfredo Reinado and his chief lieutenant may have been executed after the assassination attempt on President Jose Ramos Horta in February, an autopsy report suggests.

The autopsy on Reinado and his fellow rebel Leopoldino Exposto, who were shot dead at President Horta's home, indicates that the men were shot at point blank range according to The Australian newspaper which has obtained a copy of the report.

Reinado, an Australian trained major who has waged a year long mutiny against Mr Ramos Horta's government, was shot in the eye, neck, chest and head. The entry wounds show burning and blackening that is indicative of weapons fired at point black range, said experts. Exposto was shot in the back of the head at "close range", typical of an execution style killing, said the autopsy.

Officially, the two rebels were caught unawares inside the President's compound on February 11 and were killed in a gun battle with palace guards after the assassination attempt on Mr Ramos Horta. Mr Ramos Horta was shot and his guard killed after being caught in gunfire after returning from his morning walk to the beachside compound in East Timor's capital Dili. Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao escaped injury in a separate attack on his convoy as it took him to his office.

The official version of events, however, has been thrown into doubt by the autopsy report, carried out by forensic pathologist Muhammed Nurual Islam. The report states that all Reinado's wounds featured "blackening/burning" especially in his left eye, where the size of the discolouration was so large that it could indicate a point blank shot.

Both men were shot with a high powered AR-15 semi-automatic Armalite weapon, with which the presidential guard was issued, reported The Australian.

A forensic expert told the newspaper that it was "well-established" in the forensics world that burning and blackening was a feature of guns being fired at point blank range.

"Blackening is a critical issue to gunshot wounds," he said. "If you see soot-type burning it indicates the barrel of the gun was very close to the skin's surface."

Questions have now been raised as to whether the rebels were lured from their mountain hideout to their deaths.

Mr Ramos Horta was elected last year as East Timor's second president since the country achieved independence in 2002. He narrowly survived the assassination attempt but has indicated that he might not complete his four year term.

Rebelde que tentou assassinar Ramos Horta pode ter sido executado

Globo.com
13/08/08 - 02h09 - Atualizado em 13/08/08 - 02h15

Da EFE

Sydney (Austrália), 13 ago (EFE).- O ex-líder rebelde timorense Alfredo Reinado pode ter sido executado durante o tiroteio que se seguiu à sua tentativa frustrada de assassinar o presidente José Ramos Horta, em fevereiro, segundo revelou a autópsia de seu cadáver.

Reinado foi atingido à queima-roupa e na nuca, local que teria sido muito difícil de alcançar em um tiroteio, informou hoje o diário "The Australian".

Caso se confirme, o assassinato do líder rebelde pode gerar novas tensões no Timor-Leste, que desde que obteve a independência, em 2002, luta para conseguir estabilidade política, que lhe permita concentrar-se no desenvolvimento econômico.

Segundo os médicos australianos que praticaram a autópsia, é impossível que as marcas de bala no cadáver de Reinado tenham sido causadas por disparos de soldados a mais de dez metros de distância, como afirma a versão oficial.

Os fatos ainda estão sendo investigados pela Procuradoria Geral do Timor-Leste e por um comitê especial das Nações Unidas.

Em 11 de fevereiro, Ramos Horta ficou gravemente ferido em um atentado perpetrado em seu domicílio e no qual também perdeu a vida Reinado. O primeiro-ministro Xanana Gusmão também foi vítima de um ataque, mas saiu ileso.

Alfredo Reinado liderou em 2006 uma revolta de 600 soldados demitidos por insubordinação do Exército, que gerou uma onda de violência que deixou 37 mortos e mais de 100 mil refugiados e forçou a renúncia do então chefe do Executivo Mari Alkatiri.

A ex-colônia portuguesa do Timor-Leste alcançou a independência há seis anos, como uma das nações mais pobres do mundo, e após uma sangrenta transição, que acabou, em 1999, com quase um quarto de século de ocupação indonésia. EFE

Autopsy doubt on East Timor rebels

The Australian, 13 August
Paul Toohey

QUESTIONS have been raised as to whether rebel leader Alfredo Reinado was lured down from the mountains of East Timor to be executed after it emerged he was shot dead at almost point-blank range inside the home of President Jose Ramos Horta.

The Australian has obtained the autopsy reports for Reinado and fellow rebel Leopoldino Exposto, who died at Reinado's side.

Exposto was shot once in the direct centre of the back of his head at "close range", typical of an execution-style killing. The skin around Reinado's four entry wounds - to the eye, the neck, the chest and the hand - all featured significant burning and blackening.

David Ranson, of the Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine, said it was well-established across the forensic world that gunshot wounds that featured burning and blackening came from rifles discharged at point-blank or "near-contact" range: less than 30cm.

"Blackening is a critical issue to gunshot wounds," Professor Ranson said. "The ballistic textbooks are very clear on this. Burning and blackening is a feature of very close-range shots, probably from less than a foot away. If you see burning and soot-type burning, it indicates that the barrel of the gun was very close to the skin's surface."

Burning comes from close-range muzzle flash. The blackening, or tattooing, comes from gunpowder.

The public version to date is that Reinado, a 42-year-old Australian-trained major who had led a year-long mutiny, and Exposto were caught unaware as they entered the presidential compound on February 11 and were shot by a guard from a distance of at least 10 to 15 meters away.

Mr Ramos Horta suffered gunshot wounds when he was caught in gunfire as he returned to the compound from his morning walk, and one of his guards was killed. Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao escaped a separate attack on his convoy as it took him from his home to his office.

But the official version of events has been clouded by the findings of forensic pathologist Muhammad Nurul Islam, who conducted the autopsies. He writes that Exposto and Reinado were killed "at close range" with a high-velocity rifle.

Dr Nurul notes that all Reinado's wounds featured "blackening/burning" especially so in his left eye, where the discoloration covers an unusually sizeable 10cm x 9cm area, which could indicate a point-blank shot.

Despite some reports that Reinado was either drunk or on drugs, Dr Nurul said there were no toxicological testing facilities at the Dili morgue and that question would never be answered.

Mr Ramos Horta has maintained Reinado was an uninvited guest that day and this was an act of aggression.

What is certain is that the events inside the villa that morning are not as clear as previously presented, and may have involved Reinado and Exposto either walking into a trap or being held at close quarters before being shot.

One of Reinado's wounds was to his left hand, suggesting he may have raised it in a defensive gesture knowing he was about to be shot.

The close-range shooting opinion is strongly reinforced by the burning and blackening that appeared on Reinado's chest wound, despite the fact he was shot through a thick ammunition vest.

Reinado and Exposto were shot with a high-powered AR-15 semi-automatic Armalite weapon, or weapons, as issued to the presidential guard.

Accounts from inside Dili jail from Reinado's rebels, obtained by The Australian, have it that Reinado went to Dili for an early-morning appointment with the President.

Reinado's men maintain they had no plan to attack the President but their interviews are riddled with inconsistencies.

Rice and Circus in East Timor

August 11, 2008
Who Eats What?

By DOUGLAS KAMMEN

Since coming to power in September 2007, the new Parliamentary Majority Alliance (AMP) government of East Timor has made rice a central instrument of state policy. The government has spent millions of dollars on the purchase of imported rice. Free rice has been distributed to civil servants, a constituency recruited under the previous Fretilin government and hence of questionable loyalty. Free rice is part of the incentive offered to encourage the tens of thousands of internally displaced people (IDPs) to vacate the camps and return to their places of residence. Subsidized rice is being sold to the populace at large. Lacking a distribution mechanism, the government has also granted the right to sell this subsidized rice to selected veterans, who represent another politically sensitive group.

Intended to address East Timor’s chronic food insecurity, these side-payments, triggered a host of accusations and scandals. There are widespread allegations that government rice contracts were granted without proper tendering processes and involved collusion. The opposition Fretilin bench in parliament questioned the wisdom of providing free rice to civil servants, arguing this would place an additional strain on markets. The sale of subsidized rice has raised questions about overall government expenditures, inflation, and the impact on domestic food production. The sale of subsidized rice via selected veterans has led to charges of profiteering, prompting Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão to instruct the police to seize subsidized rice sold above the set price of $16 for a 38 kilogram sack.

In the face of these allegations, on 9 July Prime Minister Gusmão held a press conference presenting “the facts” about food security and a blistering attack on his critics. But while the political opposition and media have focused on symptoms, the real story lies elsewhere. This article traces the politics of the Gusmão government rice contracts from September 2007 until the present.

Transitional budget rice contracts

The transitional budget passed by the new AMP controlled parliament to cover the period from July-December 2007 included $6,088,000 for food security. How was this money spent? Government contracts for the import of rice can be divided into three categories: (1) rice to be distributed to civil servants; (2) rice for IDPs; and (3) rice for national reserves and/or for sale to the public.

The first piece of legislation passed by the government in September 2007 was a bill to distribute 30 kilograms of rice per month to each of the 16,969 public servants for a period of six months. To this end, in late 2007 the government signed a contract with Oriental Food, a company headed by Germano da Silva. With no prior experience importing rice, Oriental Food turned to a company called Nabilan Food, owned by Singaporean Gerry Kou. A January 2008 news article reported that Oriental and Nabilan had imported 2,790 and 490 metric tons of rice respectively for provision to civil servants. One informant in Dili suggested that the contract awarded to Oriental Food was actually only for 2,000 metric tons of rice at a price of about $420 per ton. Although the exact tonnage and value of the contract are not known, based on the lower figure of 2,000 metric tons at an estimated price of $420 per metric ton, this contract would be worth $840,000.

The government also faced the ongoing problem of providing humanitarian assistance to IDPs. Much of this assistance came from international agencies, led by the World Food Programme. However, the government also sought to secure rice for this purpose. According to sources the government granted a contract to the Timor Food Company, owned by Mr. Jong Fu Kong (alias James Jong and Jaime dos Santos). It has not been possible to obtain specific information about either the total volume of rice or the price for this contract. However, according to informants in late March 2008 Timor Food received a shipment of 4,000 metric tons of rice, approximately half of which was to fill the government contract for humanitarian assistance and the other half for sale on the open market. Again assuming a contract for 2,000 metric tons of rice and a price between US$400-450 per ton, the Timor Food contract would have also been worth about $840,000.

The third category of contracts was for the purchase of rice for national reserves and/or the sale of subsidized rice to the public. Granted without an open tender process, three contracts were signed in November 2007. Star King, headed by Lay Siu Hing, is reported to have been awarded a contract for 3,615 tons of rice at a price of about $400 per ton. People Food Company, headed by Julio Alfaro and Kathleen Gonçalves (the wife of Minister of Economics and Development João Gonçalves) is reported to have received a contract for 4,000 tons at a price just over $400 per ton. Gerry Kou’s Nabilan Food is reported to have received a contract for 3,000 metric tons at a price of $420 per ton. Taken together, these contracts are for an estimated 10,600 metric tons of rice at an average price of $420 per ton, bringing the total value of the three contracts to $4,452,000.

The estimated value of all three categories of contract – rice for civil servants, rice for IDPs, and rice for national reserves and sale -- comes to $6,132,000, a figure that is extremely close to the budget line of $6,088,000 allocated for rice. But cronyism and ersatz importers were only the beginning.

The 2008 rice contracts

In the national budget for the 2008 calendar year, the Ministry of Trade, Commerce and Industry is allocated $4,864,000 for food security goods and services. With national food security reserves running low, on 29 January Minister of Tourism, Commerce and Industry Gil Alves invited rice importers to a meeting. The following day a second meeting, attended by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, was held with both rice and cement importers to announce that the government sought bids for the import of 16,000 metric tons of rice. In the wake of these meetings, Germano da Silva of the Três Amigos company, an apparent new-comer to the rice business, submitted a bid to the government to supply rice at a price of $510 per metric ton. The two other “amigos” were Kathleen Gonçalves (director of the Peoplconstruction business, which includes the import of cement, during the Indonesian occupation). e Food Company), and Indonesian businessman Frans Holiwono (who had built his During the rice tender meeting, Da Silva and Holiwono convinced the government that only Três Amigos had the capacity to store the large amount of rice required. According to Prime Minister Gusmão’s account:

The Government decided to accept this bid on three deciding factors: 1) The market search by way of the meetings held with the suppliers of rice indicated lack of ability to import; 2) the bid from Mr. Da Silva was reasonable, represented value for money and offered favourable payment conditions, 3) the country’s need for rice stocks was becoming an urgent issue.

As a consequence on February 29th the Government signed a contract with the Três Amigos Company regarding the purchase of 8,000 tons of rice, at a price of US$510.00 per ton, totaling US$4,080 million (Attachment 3). The balance of 8.000 tons would be bought at the contractor’s risk and paid only after the mid year review (MYR) budget.

The government purchase order, which was leaked, contains several curious features. First, the original quantity of rice has been crossed out, the figure of 10,000 tons has been written in by hand, and this figure has also been crossed out and replaced by a total order for 8,000 tons. Second, although various sources including the UN have stated that this order was supposed to be delivered between April and June, the delivery date on the contract is for the period between 30 June and 30 August 2008. Third, despite the fact that the purchase of rice for food security falls under the budget of the Minister of Tourism, Commerce and Industry, this purchase order was signed by Prime Minister Gusmão.

Sometime in April, according to the Prime Minister’s account, “the contracting company was informed by the Vietnamese supplier that it could no longer supply rice at the price of US$510 as previously agreed. The supplier requested a new price of $800 at origin, with the Três Amigos Company adding US$100 more for transportation costs (adjustments considering rising fuel prices), insurance, operational costs and profit. Therefore the price for the government became US$900 per ton. (Attachment 4)” Concerned about soaring international rice prices, on 7 May the government amended the original 29 February Três Amigos rice contract, increasing the tonnage from 8,000 to 16,000 tons and the price from $510 to $900 per ton with delivery to be made by 30 June 2008. This amended contract worth $14.4 million is signed by Germano da Silva and Prime Minister Gusmão.

Reassessing Gusmão’s “facts”

What actually happened during the 68 days between the time the first contract was signed on 29 February and the amended contract was signed on 7 May? The only experience Germano da Silva and Kathleen Gonçalves had importing rice was a few months before when each had received a contract under the transitional budget; they had filled those orders by sub-contracting to others who knew the business. In 2008 Três Amigos again turned to the experienced Gerry Kou of Nabilan Food. The next step was for the parties involved to visit the supplier in Vietnam. During the third week of March a delegation consisting of Germano da Silva, Frans Holiwono, and Minister of Tourism, Commerce, and Industry Gil Alves (and , presumably, Gerry Kou) traveled to Vietnam to meet with a supplier. In late March the supplier and Três Amigos/Nabilan Food agreed to a contract for 8,000 tons of rice at a price of $430 per ton.

Several sources noted that after insurance, transport, stevedoring, and other operational costs, this left a profit of $30 per ton. When the shipment was due to depart from Vietnam, however, the supplier is reported to have informed Três Amigos that it could only provide 2,700 metric tons of rice and that an additional $50 per metric ton would have to be added. Três Amigos, it seemed, would take a loss on the contract.

Then something strange happened. On 7 May, the government of Timor-Leste amended the Três Amigos rice contract: the original price of $510 per ton was changed to $900 per ton and the total tonnage was doubled from 8,000 to 16,000.

This led to heated charges of corruption. But where? One key lies in the date of arrival for the first shipment of 2,700 tons of rice. On 16 April, Timor Post reported that 8,000 tons of rice ordered by People Food (German da Silva’s own company, not Três Amigos) would arrive at the end of the month. On 14 May, the Suara Timor Lorosae daily reported that the ships carrying the rice for the government contract were on the way to East Timor. On the same day, however, the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste held a press conference at which Acting Senior Representative of the Secretary General Finn Reske-Nielsen stated: “Currently there are 7,500 tonnes of rice in stock in Timor-Leste and a further 16,000 tonnes are being imported. 2,500 tonnes [sic, 2,700] have arrived from Vietnam and a further 2,500 tonnes are expected this week. The remainder is due in the near future.” So had some of the rice already arrived in Timor or not?

On 24 July I walked across the street from Landmark Plaza to an unmarked lot strewn with old construction equipment and asked if Gerry Kou of Nabilan Food was there. He was away in Singapore. Employees explained that the rice in the warehouse is only a fraction of what was purchased; the warehouse had been absolutely full. They said that this rice was “for the government contract.” When I commented on the size of the warehouse, the employees said that the warehouse is one of the reasons Germano da Silva had used Nabilan Food to fill his contract with the government. They said about 3,000 metric tons of rice had arrived several months ago.
So the first shipment of 2,700 tons had arrived. Given the UN statement about the arrival of rice before 14 May and shipping time from Vietnam to Dili (10-11 days), this shipment had to have departed from Vietnam before the government amended the Três Amigos contract on 7 May.

But this raises more puzzling questions. First, was the first ship from Vietnam carrying 2,700 tons of rice sent on the understanding that after receiving an amended contract from the government of East Timor, Três Amigos would also agree to pay the supplier a higher price for this shipment? Or, as it appears, was this rice sold and sent at the price of $430 plus $50 reportedly agreed to in April? If that is the case, then the government was defrauded and/or culpable in corruption to the tune of $1 million for the first shipment alone.

A far worse scenario, supported by two well placed sources in Dili, is that the price from the supplier for the entire order of 16,000 tons was not in fact the $800 per ton reported to the government. Any difference between the actual price from the supplier and the $900 per ton (which provided the basis for the amended contract), is either fraud or corruption. If, as sources suggest, the actual price paid for the entire order of 16,000 tons was the original $435 per ton plus the additional $50 demanded by the supplier in Vietnam, and adding an additional $100 per ton for operating expenses and profit margin (which is what the government readily agreed to in the amended contract), then the actual cost to Três Amigos was $585. That would mean a “mark-up” of $315 per ton, which comes to a total of $5,040,000 for the contract.

Conclusion

East Timor’s parliament recently concluded debates concerning the amended budget proposed by Prime Minister Gusmão that calls for a 122% increase in the 2008 budget from the current total of $347.7 million to $773.8. This includes a modest $15,355,000 for food security, of which $11,867,000 is for goods and services. Serious attention to food security in East Timor is absolutely essential. However, it must be carried out with transparency, efficiency, and to serve the best interests of the East Timorese, a people who know hunger all too well. The possible loss of between $1 million and $5 million in a single contract for food security raises serious questions about the ability and even the willingness of the current government of East Timor to manage the enormous new budget now under debate. That discussion – and indeed all political discussions in Timor – should begin with and be based on one simple question: who eats what?

Douglas Kammen is Assistant Professor in the Southeast Asian Studies Programme at the National University of Singapore. He would like to thank the many individuals (most of whom requested anonymity) who shared their time and provided information used in this article.


“Fos 3280 Toneladas Ba Funsionario To’o TL,” Suara Timor Lorosae, 19 January 2008.

He carries three passports – one from Timor-Leste, one from Australia, and a third from China (Macau?). In February 2007 Mr. dos Santos told the author that he is “Fretilin stand-by.”

An email dated 6 December 2007 that circulated widely reported that Germano da Silva, Kathleen Gonçalves, and Antonio Seisal were each granted contracts for 2,500,000 tons. This grossly inflated figure is presumably the result of the mistranslation of the Portuguese word “mil” meaning thousand. See “Politika Fahe Foos iha Governo AMP – Korrupsaun!! !,” sent by Tatoli, 6 December 2007.

See “Decreto n.o 3/II sobre o Orçamento Geral do Estado da República Democrática de Timor-Leste para 2008,” promulgated 29 December 2007, p. 28.

The following discussion draws on the account provided by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, “Press Conference: Food Security – The Facts,” dated 9 July 2008.

Information kindly provided by an AMP member of parliament, 27 July 2008.

“Press Conference: Food Security – The Facts,” p. 3.

República Democrática de Timor-Leste, Serviços de Aprovisionamento, Ordem do Compra/Purchase Order number 81586.

“Press Conference: Food Security – The Facts,” p. 3. $510 per ton was the price of the contract between the government and Três Amigos, not the price from the supplier, as Gusmão claims. The attachments cited were not in fact provided with the press release.

República Democrática de Timor-Leste, Ministério do Finanças, Servicão de Aprovisionamento, “Amendment to Contract RDTL – 81586, ‘The supply and warehousing of white rice’,” number 080508, dated 7 May 2008.

Frans Holiwono of BTK is said to have paid Gil Alves’ travel expenses.

República Democrática de Timor-Leste, Ministério do Finanças, “Amendment to Contract RDTL – 81586, ‘The supply and warehousing of white rice’,” number 080508, dated 7 May 2008.

“Presu Fos Sae: Governu Pronto Halo Prevensaun.” Timor Post, 16 April 2008. This article, based on an interview with the head of the food security department within the Ministry of Tourism, Commerce and Industry, suggests that in mid-April the ministry still expected fulfillment of the total order for 8,000 tons.

See “Pemerintah Sediakan 4.000 Ton Beras,” Suara Timor Lorosae, 14 May 2008.

“UNMIT Press Conference – 14 May 2008 – Near Verbatim Transcript,” on east-timor@lists. riseup.net, dated 14 May 2008. Many of the “facts” presented in an accompanying WFP/FAO/UNMIT “Fact Sheet” (distributed by east-timor@lists. riseup.et , dated 14 may 2008) are incorrect. A source who requested anonymity was certain that the first shipment of 2,700 tons of rice had arrived in April or early May.

http://www.counterp unch.org/kammen08112008. html

Gangster Wins Dili Backing To Build

Sydney Morning Herald - Tuesday, August 5, 2008

Lindsay Murdoch in Darwin

AN OFFER by a notorious Jakarta gangster to develop the siteof a refugee camp in Dili has been accepted by the East TimorGovernment.

The East Timorese-born man, Hercules Rozario Marcal, has closelinks to Soeharto-era generals in Indonesia, including one chargedby the United Nations with orchestrating the destruction of EastTimor after the 1999 independence ballot.

The Timor Post has confirmed that Hercules has been given thego-ahead to build a mini-mart and swimming pool on the site oppositeDili's main wharf.

Investigators have established that Hercules had contact with,and may have met, the rebel leader Alfredo Reinado days beforehe led the February 11 attacks on the President, Jose Ramos Horta,and the Prime Minister, Xanana Gusmao.

Reinado's mobile telephone had a listing for "Hercul".

Two rebels involved in the attacks were arrested at Hercules'sJakarta residence in April.

Hercules has denied any involvement in the attacks.

He gained notoriety in Jakarta in the 1990s running protectionrackets.

His gang also served as enforcers for the Soeharto regime, intimidatingdissidents and East Timorese independence activists. His militarypatrons were reputed to include the then general Parbowo Subianto,Soeharto's son-in-law.

At one stage he lived in the house of Major-General Zacky AnwarMakarim, indicted by a UN war crimes tribunal in 2003 for crimesagainst humanity.

Hercules told East Timorese journalists in January he was lookingat investing in hotels and real
estate in East Timor.

FRETILIN requests President Ramos-Horta to initiate investigation into unintended publication of rectifying budget

FRETILIN - Media release - 10 August 2008

The President of Timor-Leste's largest and historic party FRETILIN,Francisco Guterres "Lu Olo" today called upon President Dr. JoséRamos-Horta to order an investigation into why the Revised Budget Law(also known as the rectifying budget) was sent by his office to theparliament, and then subsequently published in the official gazette,thereby bringing it into law, against the President's declaredintentions.

A Public Communiqué issued from the President's Office on the 6th ofAugust 2008, when the President was already overseas stated, thatprior to his departure the President delivered a speech to the nation,in which he informed the nation that he would await the decision ofthe Court of Appeal regarding a request for a ruling as to theconstitutionality of the rectifying budget, before making a decisionon whether or not to promulgate it.

The Communiqué added that: "The President of the Republic left veryclear instructions to his office to send the rectifying budget forpublication only if the decision of the Court of Appeal declared thatthe law was in conformity with all the requirements of theconstitution."
Lu Olo said, "The President's own words, televised to the nation onthe 5th of August 2008, and confirmed by the President's OfficeCommuniqué on the 6th of August, the following day, were that he leftclear instructions that the rectifying budget was not to be sent forpublication with the official gazette.

"It was clear that this is what he had in mind when he spoke to thepeople. We do not believe for one moment the President would havespoken those words whilst intending to do the exact opposite. Despitethis manifest intent, others in his office took actions contrary tohis clear instructions and sent it on for official publication.

According to Lu Olo this is a very serious situation for FRETILIN, forthe nation's democratic institutions and the Timorese people. He addedthat FRETILIN did not blame the President, because it believed he leftclear and explicit instructions with his office before leaving on hisoverseas trip.

"However, we do not have confidence in others who work in the Officeof the President of the Republic. We have grave reservations abouttheir loyalty to the President and their political impartiality to beworking in such a high office," Lu Olo said.

"We are very lucky that these suspect actions are such that may befixed with the good will and cooperation of other institutions of ourstate. But we have to ask, what if it involved something moreserious, something that could not be so easily reversed or rectified,such as a declaration of stage of siege or a declaration to dissolveparliament? Then what? The President had done all he could to ensurehis intent was clear and that his actions would not impact negativelyupon the nation, but even this could not safeguard a serious errorfrom occurring."

"We cannot simply leave this matter as it is. It is important for usthat state institutions know the truth of what actually happened. Wehave to know clearly whether this was the result of human error orwhether there was some more deliberate act or omission to pervert theexpressed will and intent of the President, to usurp his duties andpowers. An in depth investigation must occur into this matter andFRETILIN give its full support to the President in initiating anappropriate legal investigation," Lu Olo added.

Lu Olo also emphasized that "this was not just a matter of anadministrative issue in the President's Office, but a matter of greatimportance to the government, the parliament, political parties andthe people who need to have confidence that the highest office in theland is functioning legally and constitutionally, not to mention with administrative efficiency, whoever the President is or will be."

For more information, please contact Jose Teixeira: +61 438 114 960(Australia), +670 728 7080 (Dili, Timor-Leste)

Corruption in Office of Secretary of State for Professional Training and Employment

TRANSLATION FROM ORIGINAL TETUM ARTICLE

(This is the person in the AMP government who will be responsible to implement the host worker program with Western Australia)

TIMOR POST, 6 August 2008
Corruption in Office of Secretary of State for Professional Training and Employment

LABEH: The Office of His Excellency Bendito is full of KKN (Indonesian Acronym for Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism)Bendito: "This is to bring me down"

DILI – The Non Government Organization (NGO) Lalenok ba Ema Hotu (LABEH) (Tetum: "Mirror for Everyone") yesterday released a report stating there are indications of maladministration and indications of corruption, collusion and nepotism ("KKN") in the office of the Secretary of State for Professional Training and Employment (SEFPE). The report from monitoring undertaken by LABEH commencing from the month of April until August this year was delivered directly by LABEH Director, Dr. Christopher Henry Samson to the Secretary of State for Professional Training and Employment, Bendito Freitas.

Before delivering the report indicating maladministration to Bendito, Christopher read out the details that LABEH uncovered from civil society and SEFPE officers themselves that the acts of maladministration by the SEFPE Bendito engaged in were: using a government vehicle to convey his wife to Liquica; some officers working in the SEFPE office were relatives of Secretary of State Bendito; utilization of state budget totaling $100,240.00 for the $2 work per day project buying work equipment such as hoes, steel, shovels, pliers, machetes and other things but these were not distributed to population in the districts of Baucau, Viqueque and Lautem.

Other accusations leveled by LABEH indicated that the SEFPE: engaged in nepotism in his workplace whereby only members of his family were recruited to work in the SEFPE office; and after the recruitment process for workers, many of his family members emerged as employees in SEFPE.

"The worst indication is that the SEFEP office used a budget worth $100, 240 allocated for the Districts of Baucau, Viqueque and Lautem whereby the moneys intended to be used to acquire equipment to be used in the $2 work per day project but the moneys were in fact used for some other unknown purpose because it is all fiction," stated Dr. Christopher, who was accompanied by SEFPE Bendito.

In the report, the LABEH Director also provided information of an allegation of corruption which emerged in the Office of the Ministry for Social Solidarity involving a transfer to the SEFPE from Ministry of Social Solidarity of Portuguese government funds in the amount of $35,780.oo for the purchase of a vehicle for the SEFPE but which was used instead to hire vehicles.

"A case of maladministration is one involving $35,780.00 of cooperation funds between the Ministry of Social Solidarity and Portugal given to the Ministry of Solidarity to acquire transport, but it is said that these funds were not used to buy a vehicle but instead was used to rent vehicles," Christopher affirmed.

He said that as an anti corruption NGO LABEH was disappointed with institutions like the PDHJ and Prosecutor and Inspector Generals who remained silent and do not investigate corruption and maladministration cases that emerge in TL.

"There are many corrupt people emerging now in TL, because the responsible institutions never undertake in dept investigations to show the public whether there is a lot of corruption in TL," he questioned.

In the same instance, the SEFPE, Bendito Freitas informed that the accusations made by LABEH against his Office was not supported by strong evidence because his office has never engaged in maladministration and corruption and did not recruit only members of his family as staff in his office.

"LABEHs report has no basis and has no strong evidence that I can see from the accusations to bring me down. But the government thanks LABEHs initiative to control and battle government corruption."

"For us these accusations serve to give more credence to the private sector's participation in combating corruption so as to promote public transparency and accountability and we will rectify our work to become better.

According to Bendito, the Labeh report which indicates that the SEFPE did not use the funds in the amount of $100,240.00 for the $2 a day project to acquire equipment for the Districts of Baucau, Vikeke and Lautem is incorrect.

According to Bendito the equipment was distributed late because the state budget was approved late. Because of this the government was unable to distribute the equipment referred to the people, he said.

"In the first instance the accusations said we used the funds totaling $100,240.00 allocated to acquire equipment for the $2 a day project in Baucau, Viqueque and Lospalos districts, was not that we did not have it. But the transitional budget approval process was late and the procurement process was late too and the implementation of the $2 a day project had finished.

Because of this that the communities did not receive the equipment, but the equipment for them is being delivered this week because the revised budget has been approved," SE Bendito explained.

SEFPE Bendito also rejected the Labeh report in regard to use of the $37,780.00 to acquire a vehicle. "To say that we hired a vehicle is also wrong because this money that came from the Portuguese cooperation was to support the SEFPE to use to buy a vehicle because the vehicle had already been purchased, and we had not hired it."

"Dr. Christopher said we used the Money $37,780.00 for acquiring a vehicle instead to hire a vehicle is also wrong. Because the money that was given by Portuguese cooperation to support the SEFPE to use for vehicles. This vehicle we already had, we did not hire it," he said.
Bendito said that the recommendations in the Labeh report are incorrect because of incorrect information.

Bendito said, he will meet with the directors and all the staff to enable him to consolidate and better the work of the SEFPE and the information regarding these accusations because sometimes it is because information is not complete so some people flippantly make accusations against the SEFPE.

"I want to speak about the information that many of my family work for me and that many of my family travel overseas. All this is incorrect because my family does not make up all the 2000 people. But during recruitment I selected my Chief of Staff from Baucau, my driver from Bobonaro, and my secretary from same and some from Same, because if there is there is maybe only one member of my family as people will be able to see for themselves," he said.

For their part the Deputy Porvedor * for Anti Corruption and Good Governance PDHJ, Amândio de Sa Benevides said that the Provedor's Office is yet to receive a complaint regarding allegations involving a case of maladministration in the SEFPE. But the PDHJ will undertake an in depth investigation of the relevant evidence and facts.

He said that if the PDHJ starts an investigation and it finds indicia of maladministration or corruption it will make recommendations to the prosecutor general.

"The Provedor has not yet received information, but we will yet undertake an in depth investigation regarding the information and allegations pointed to by Labeh in order to find any relevant facts and in depth evidence in order to be able to recommend anything to the Prosecutor according to law," assured Amandio.

Responding to the statements by Labeh Director that the PDHJ never works to investigate corruption in TL, the deputy Provedor Amandio said that you cannot say that the PDHJ does not work. But to be able to work on corruption investigations in TL the PDHJ itself still lacks investigators and equipment and financial resources are still insufficient.

"The Provedor cannot speak about all corruption in TL, because we lack investigators and also finances. We also ask but the government has not increased funding for the lack of transport and equipment. But we continue to do the work despite the PDHJ lacking in many things which the government has failed to attend to."

"Labeh has spoken a lot about us not doing our work, but they do not understand the difficulties we confront, because by rights they should be requesting the government to increase our funding so that we can capacitate our people to train and increase the number of corruption investigators," he said. (ego)

Footnote: * Provedor (in English Ombudsman) for Human Rights and Justice (known by the Portuguese acronym "PDHJ") is constitutionally mandated as the anti-corruption investigation and recommendation functions amongst other roles.###

XANANA FAZ PRESSÃO POLÍTICA SOBRE O TRIBUNAL DE RECURSO E MANIPULA A OPINIÃO PÚBLICA

FRETILIN - Dili, 11 Agosto de 2008 - COMUNICADO DE IMPRENSA

Para fazer face à pressão politica sobre o Tribunal de Recurso e à manipulação da opinião pública pelos membros do governo e pelos deputados da AMP quanto ao Decreto-lei do Governo que “criou” o Fundo de Estabilização Económica (FEE), a FRETILIN relembra os factos ocorridos e as razões que levaram as bancadas da FRETILIN, PPT e KOTA a apresentarem uma petição ao Tribunal de Recurso:

1) Antes de submeter a proposta do orçamento rectificativo ao Parlamento Nacional, o Governo da AMP, apesar de não ser da sua competência constitucional, aprovou no dia 16/7/2008, o Decreto-Lei n?22/2008 que “criou” o Fundo de Estabilização Económica alocando para esse Fundo, 240 milhões de dólares americanos que seriam extraídos do Fundo do Petróleo.

2) O Governo disse que o Fundo destinar-se-ia a fazer face ao aumento dos preços das necessidades básicas e para possibilitar a intervenção no mercado e a compra dos materiais de construção.

3) O Governo da AMP decidiu que o Fundo seria gerido pelo Ministério das Finanças.

4) Durante a discussão sobre o Fundo de Estabilização Económica, vários deputados solicitaram ao governo que apresentasse os programas que justificassem as despesas requeridas, os objectivos dos gastos e como estas despesas beneficiariam o povo. O governo não respondeu às preocupações dos deputados.

5) Apesar de os deputados da FRETILIN e da Aliança Democrática (KOTA e PPT) terem chamado a atenção de que o Decreto-Lei era inconstitucional, a AMP utilizou a sua maioria no Parlamento Nacional para fazer passar o Fundo de Estabilização Económica de acordo com os desígnios do governo. Ao adoptar esta atitude, o Parlamento Nacional acabou por perder a sua função como órgão de estado.

Porquê é que as bancadas da FRETILIN, PPT e da KOTA submeteram a petição ao Tribunal de Recurso contra o Decreto-Lei do Governo?

1) Não é por querer apenas fazer oposição ao governo da AMP;

2) Não é por não querer gastar o dinheiro do Fundo do Petróleo;

3) Não é por não querer que o arroz seja comprado para ajudar o povo.

Tendo em conta os artigos 4 e 5 do Decreto-Lei do Governo, referentes às despesas e receitas, os signatários da petição concluíram que o referido fundo deveria ser autónomo por se tratar de gestão de um montante alto do orçamento do estado. Como fundo autónomo, deveria ser gerido por uma estrutura própria e não poderia estar sob o controle e supervisão do Ministério das Finanças. Um Conselho da Administração e um Conselho da Fiscalização seriam necessários para tratar exclusivamente da gestão desse Fundo.

O Governo não tem competência para aprovar legislação sobre este Fundo pelo facto de ser considerado autónomo. De acordo com o artigo 95, n?2 q) e artigo 97 n?2 da Constituição da RDTL, só o Parlamento Nacional é que tem competência exclusiva para aprovar leis que regulam esse tipo de Fundo.

Em face dos referidos argumentos, os deputados da FRETILIN e da AD estão convictos de que o Tribunal de Recurso deliberará de que o Decreto-Lei do governo é inconstitucional.

No dia 30 de Julho de 2008, apresentamos a nossa petição ao Tribunal de Recurso porque o Parlamento Nacional perdeu as suas funções como órgão de soberania que está acima do governo pelo facto de os deputados da AMP terem recorrido à sua aliança maioritária no Parlamento Nacional para aprovar um pedido inconstitucional do governo.

Rejeitamos a declaração de Sua Excelência, Sr. Xanana Gusmão de que, caso o Tribunal de Recurso declare inconstitucionalidade do Decreto-Lei, o governo não terá dinheiro para pagar as dívidas contraídas com a companhia com a qual o governo efectuou contrato para a compra do arroz , contrato esse que, como todos sabemos, foi efectuados sob o mecanismo de “single source”, antes da aprovação do orçamento rectificativo pelo Parlamento Nacional. Questionamos então porque é que o governo da AMP decidiu fazer um acordo de 14 milhões de dólares americanos com a Companhia dos Três Amigos na altura em que este montante ainda não estava
orçamentado?

Rejeitamos a declaração de Sua Excelência, Sr. Xanana Gusmão, na sexta feira passada, dia 8/8/08, quando afirmou aos media que, se houver falta do arroz e, se houver aumento de preços dos produtos básicos, a responsabilidade por essa situação deverá ser assumida pelo Tribunal de Recurso e pela oposição. Isto significa pressão política sobre o Tribunal de Recurso para decidir favoravelmente sobre o Decreto-Lei do governo? Ou será para obrigar a oposição a retirar a petição do Tribunal de Recurso? Ou será manipulação com o objectivo de impedir que o público descubra as promessas falsas e a incompetência do governo?

O Governo da AMP gosta de fazer promessas mas não gosta de cumpri-las. Uma das promessas é a de distribuição mensal do arroz para os funcionários públicos. A promessa foi feita sem primeiro terem estabelecido um mecanismo de distribuição do arroz e acabaram por distribui-lo de qualquer maneira, beneficiando apenas alguns. Ficamos preocupados com a notícia veiculada no sábado passado pelo Timor-Post de que o Ministro de facto, Gil Alves, teria afirmado que o governo já não dispõe de verbas para subsidiar o arroz para os funcionários públicos no próximo mês de Setembro.

Por culpa da oposição? Ou será por causa da incompetência do governo? Quem errou nos cálculos? Todo o Orçamento Geral do Estado de 340 milhões de dólares americanos já foi gasto? Questionamos! Foi gasto em quê? Ainda não chegamos ao final do ano e o dinheiro já foi todo gasto? Onde está armazenado o arroz comprado pela Companhia dos Três Amigos e a quem é distribuído?

O Governo da AMP não deve acusar os outros escamoteando a sua má gestão e a sua política de mentir ao povo.

Se o Tribunal de Recurso declarar inconstitucionalidade do Decreto–lei n?22/2008, o Governo da AMP deverá acatar esta decisão com serenidade a fim de servir de exemplo a todo o povo de que todos, sem excepção, devem obedecer às leis e à Constituição da RDTL.

A decisão favorável do Tribunal de Recurso à petição da oposição significaria que Governo cometeu um erro inconstitucional porque não tem competência para legislar dobre o Fundo de Estabilização Económica; não seria erro do Tribunal nem da oposição, mas sim erro da AMP.

Para mais informações contacte com José Reis, tel. 734 1505 ou Elisário Ferreira, tel. 723 7118)###

Aviso a invejosos. intriguistas, idiotas, ordinários e incompetentes de serviço...

A todos aqueles que por aqui deixaram uma série de comentários ordinários, invejosos, intriguistas, ignorantes e incompetentes, apenas um grande... Pfff!






(A todos os outros, um até breve e um abraço,
Malai Azul, em parte incerta, mas de boa saúde!)

Interrupção

Lamentamos mas ainda estaremos offline mais uns tempos.

Voltaremos.

Italy's Eni receives OK to develop oil field in area administered by East Timor and Australia

PR Inside, 9 June

MILAN,
Italy
(AP) - Italian Energy Company Eni SpA said Monday that it has
received approval from East Timor and Australian
authorities to develop the Kitan oil field off the coast of East Timor.


Eni, Italy's biggest oil and natural gas Company,
previously announced the discovery of oil in the
Kitan-1 well, which tests indicated a flow rate
of 6,100 barrels of oil a day. It said Monday it
has also confirmed a potential commercial flow in a second well, Kitan-2.

Eni said it will submit its development plan to
the Timor Sea Designated Authority within 12 months.

Eni is the operator in the development area
jointly administered by East Timor and Australia.
The site is in the Timor Sea 170 kilometers (105
miles) off the East Timor coast and 500
kilometers (310 miles) off the Australian coast.

Eni has been operating in Australia since 2000 and in East Timor since 2006.

Eni shares were trading up 1.39 percent at
¤25.56 (US$39.87) on the Milan Stock Exchange.

Government Assists IDPs from Arte Moris and ex-USAID camps to return home

MINISTRY OF SOCIAL SOLIDARITY
PRESS RELEASE
7 June 2008


Today, as part of the government’s Hamutuk Hari’i Futuru national recovery strategy, 45 families from the Arte Moris IDP camp and 21 families from the ex-USAID IDP camp will return to their homes.

Each of the families who returns today will receive a recovery grant from the Ministry of Social Solidarity to help them rebuild or repair their homes. The families will be assisted to return with transport provided by the Ministry of Social Solidarity and IOM. Each person, including children, will also receive 16 kg of rice.

The Secretary of State for Social Assistance and Natural Disasters, Jacinto Rigoberto Gomes, thanked the IDPs for their willingness to return to their homes. He explained “not all 45 families will return from Arte Moris today. MSS will try to resolve the problems of those who cannot return through dialogue with their receiving communities. But the majority of families who are not facing any problems will be assisted to return today. Once the camp is empty we hope that in the future Arte Moris can continue to operate as an art school and develop the skills and knowledge of Timorese children through art education.”

The Camp Manager of Arte Moris camp, Augusto Pinto, said “As the representative of Arte Moris Camp I want to give my thanks to the government, especially the Ministry of Social Solidarity, for their help. We are all ready to return home, but some people have some problems because their community does not want them back, so, we ask the government to help us with dialogue with these receiving communities. We also request the government to continue to improve security once we return home.”

The Secretary of State for Social Assistance and Natural Disasters, Jacinto Rigoberto Gomes, thanked the Camp Manager, the Director of Arte Moris, and the SLS agencies - who have provided the Arte Moris camp with humanitarian assistance ­ Austcare and IOM. He also thanked Oxfam for their water and sanitation support to the camp over the past two years.

The return of the IDPs from Arte Moris and USAID camps brings the total number of IDP families who have received a recovery package under the Hamutuk Hari’i Futuru National Recovery Strategy to 1433.

MSS has now finished registering people’s wishes for resettlement. The verification process is ongoing in a number of camps. The next camp to be assisted to return will be Sional. The Secretary of State for Social Assistance and Natural Disasters said “MSS knows that all IDPs want to return home soon. The government has a camp return schedule, and we ask you to please be patient. MSS is committed to helping everyone who wishes to return to do so.”

Timor opposition leader targets policies in Lisbon address

7/6/2008

‘Painting a cautiously upbeat scene of East Timor, opposition leader Mari
Alkatiri has criticized the policies of Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão's
government in several areas during an address in the Portuguese capital.

Speaking Monday at Lisbon's Geographic Society, Alkatiri said his country's
recent experience of "gratuitous and institutionalized" violence had been
overcome, but he warned that what he called the government's policy of
"exclusion rather than inclusion" could reignite turmoil.

Describing the recent hike of food and fuel prices in East Timor as "grave",
he criticized Gusmão’s remedy of "subsidizing consumption", arguing that a
better solution would be "subsidizing production".

He also targeted Dili's decision to revoke Portugal Telecom's monopoly on
the country's fledgling telephone sector, a scheme approved under an
Alkatiri-led executive, charging such a move placed "judicial security" at
risk.

Despite the country's difficulties, Alkatiri sounded an optimistic note,
saying he did not want to "wash dirty laundry" abroad and underlining that
Dili boasted record revenues, a swelling oil fund and continued support from
the international community.

On another controversial front, the former prime minister said he "accepted"
President José Ramos Horta's commuting of nearly 100 prison sentences last
month, including that of Alkatiri's former interior minister, Rogério
Lobato, for involvement in the wave of violence two years ago and of several
former pro-Indonesian militiamen for crimes against humanity.

But he cautioned that such "generous" decisions should be made with great
care to avoid setting "a bad precedent".

Alkatiri’s private visit to Lisbon followed a trip to Angola last week where
he met with President José Eduardo dos Santos.

TPN/Lusa

Pnud apóia projeto de energia limpa no Timor-Leste

Rádio Nações Unidas informa:
04/06/2008

Proposta pretende combater desmatamento causado por dificuldade de acesso às energia convencionais.

O Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento, Pnud, anunciou um projeto de bioenergia no Timor-Leste, no sudeste da Ásia.

Segundo o Pnud, a iniciativa, no distrito de Manatuto, faz parte de um programa mais amplo de desenvolvimento sustentável para promover novas fontes de energia e melhorar a vida das famílias em comunidades isoladas.

Energia Solar

O projeto aproveita a energia solar, produção de gás natural a partir da decomposição de estrume e adaptação dos fogões às necessidades energéticas das comunidades.

De acordo com o Plano de Governo para o Desenvolvimento do Sector Energético, a construção de uma rede de energia eléctrica na região seria inviável até 2025, devidos às grandes distâncias.

O Timor-Leste, um país de língua portuguesa no sudeste da Ásia, se tornou independente em 2002 após um referendo da ONU.

*Apresentação: Monica Villela Grayley da Rádio ONU em Nova York

http://radio.un.org/por/detail/6309.html

Mari Alkatiri tenta reunir apoios para voltar a governar

SIC Online - 09-06-2008 22:54 Última actualização: 09-06-2008 23:11



"O mundo tem os olhos em Timor"
(http://sic.aeiou.pt/online/noticias/mundo/20080609O+mundo+tem+os+olhos+em+Timor.htm)

O ex-primeiro-ministro de Timor-Leste, Mari Alkatiri, preside o maior partido da oposição e senta-se no Parlamento no lugar de deputado. Actualmente em Portugal, vindo de Angola e em vias de partir para os EUA, o secretário-geral da Fretilin anda pelo estrangeiro a reunir apoios. Alkatiri considera que falta pouco para o Governo de Xanana Gusmão chegar ao fim.

"O mundo inteiro tem os olhos postos em Timor-Leste", diz Mari Alkatiri, mas não pelas melhores razões. "Logo depois da restauração da independência fomos quase sempre elogioados pela forma como estávamos a conduzir a reconstrução do país e na criação de um estado democrtático de direito", descreve o secretário-geral da Fretilim.

Mas esta situação mudou com a crise de 2006 e com "novo governo que não tem nenhum sentido de Estado", acusa Alkatiri. "Xanana não tem legitimidade para governar o país porque perdeu as eleições, e nos últimos nove meses de governação só gastou dinheiro", acrescentou.

Alkatiri descarta a possibilidadede um golpe de Estado: "Não vamos fazer o que outros fizeram em 2006 contra o governo da Fretilim. Vamos fazer um trabalho político mais profundo com a população para esta entender a situação e ver a diferença entre estes dois governos".

O secretário-geral da Fretilim diz que a actual aliança está a sofrer baixas e que falta pouco para mostrar que o governo de Xanana Gusmão "tem os dias contados". "Vai haver auditorias às contas do governo porque há muitas alegações de corrupção", afirmou.

Ver video integral da entrevista (cerca de 8 minutos) em: http://sic.aeiou.pt/online/scripts/2007/videopopup2008.aspx?videoId={34335DE4-0272-499F-9B1B-910362515283}

José Ramos-Horta as human rights high commissioner?

Human Rights Tribune - 6 June 08


Juan Gasparini/Human Rights Tribune

Brazil, Portugal and Australia are encouraging the President of East Timor, José Ramos-Horta, to put forth his candidacy for the next High Commissioner for Human Rights. But the Nobel laureate has not yet made a final decision despite reports that UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon would also support his candidacy.

The President of East Timor since 2007, Ramos-Horta has been convalescing following an attack that could have cost him his life in February 2008 and dipolmats in Geneva say he would like to leave this dangerous role.

Six other candidates are under consideration for the post in a confidential process going on in New York. From Africa there are two candidates from Senegal: Adama Dieng, the registrar for the International Tribunal for Rwanda, Pierre Sané, the former Secretary General of Amnesty International as well as Francis Deng of Sudan, the Secretary General’s advisor for the prevention of genocide.

From Latin America there is Luis Alfonso De Alba, Mexico’s Ambassador in Geneva and former president of the Human Rights Council. From Asia: Kyung-wha Kang of South Korea, the Deputy High Commissioner and Hina Jilani of Pakistan who is currently at the end of her mandate as Special Rapporteur for protecting the defenders of human rights.

Translated from the French by Claire Doole

UNDP Justice System Programme Newsletter - April/May Edition

Highlights of this Edition:


Recommendations of the UNDP Evaluation Mission to the CoC
The UNDP Evaluation Mission held a debriefing session for the Council of Coordination, donors and development partners on 9 May, at the Legal Training Centre.

Ireland renews its support to the justice sector
The Government of Ireland announced an additional Euro 400,000 contribution for the Justice System Programme (JSP) of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). This contribution was signaled by the Irish Minister of Foreign Affairs during his official visit to Timor-Leste, 20-22 February, 2008.

Judiciary books distributed at the Second Reading Week
From 12 to 16 of May the Ministry of Education organized the Second Reading Week at the ex-SKB building, in Vila-Verde, to disseminate the work performed by the Direction of Non-Formal Education.

Thaiza Castilho
Public Information Officer
UNDP Justice System Programme
E-mail: thaiza.castilho@undp.org
Website: www.undp.org.tl/justice
Phone: + (670) 727-5605