East Timor: Plot thickens as leader of alleged “coup” attempt surrenders

WSWS : News & Analysis : Asia : East Timor

By Patrick O’Connor2 May 2008

Gastao Salsinha, the alleged co-leader of what was labelled an assassination or coup attempt against President Xanana Gusmao and Prime Minister Jose Ramos-Horta on February 11, surrendered to authorities in Dili on Tuesday. Salsinha is specifically accused of attacking Gusmao’s vehicle after former major Alfredo Reinado was shot dead by soldiers at Ramos-Horta’s residence. The former army lieutenant denies these allegations and insists that neither he nor Reinado tried to orchestrate a coup or assassination.

Salsinha’s surrender comes amid additional revelations that cast further doubt over official explanations for the murky events of February 11, and again point to the possibility that Reinado himself was set up for assassination.

Salsinha had been on the run with about a dozen of his men in Timor’s western districts since the alleged attack on Gusmao. He previously led the 600 soldiers known as the “petitioners”. Their 2006 mutiny precipitated widespread violence that resulted in 150,000 Timorese fleeing their homes. The unrest was followed by an Australian military intervention and the ousting of the Fretilin government led by Mari Alkatiri.

Salsinha formally agreed to surrender last Friday and spent the next few days in negotiations with authorities in the western town of Gleno. He surrendered in Dili on Tuesday along with 12 fellow ex-soldiers, including Marcel Caetano, who is alleged to have shot Ramos-Horta. Ramos-Horta publicly met the rebel soldiers in Dili as they formally handed over their weapons and submitted to Timorese police in a ceremony held at the Government Palace. With Prime Minister Gusmao in Jakarta for talks with the Indonesian government, Deputy Prime Minister Jose Luis Gutteres presided over the surrender and declared it a “historic moment” for East Timor.

Last month Salsinha gave a telephone interview to Australia’s SBS television program, “Dateline”. “There are many accusations about us, about Major Alfredo’s death and the president being wounded and also the attack on the prime minister,” he said. “They all say that we were planning a coup. But they are lying. Whoever says that is trying to sully our reputation.... I was there but had no intention to launch a coup or harm the prime minister. If we’d planned to harm the prime minister, he would not have made it to Dili.”

Salsinha told “Dateline” that early in the morning of February 11, Reinado, whom he claimed was drunk, ordered his men to accompany him to Dili to meet with Ramos-Horta and Gusmao. Salsinha said he waited along a road leading to Gusmao’s house and awaited further instructions while Reinado went to Ramos-Horta’s home.

It remains unclear what happened next. Some reports claim that Salsinha received a text message notifying him that Reinado had been shot dead, and that the petitioners’ leader then unsuccessfully ambushed Gusmao’s motorcade. But government MP Mario Carrascalao has questioned how no one was injured in the alleged ambush, while Mari Alkatiri insists that Fretilin has photographic evidence indicating that the entire incident was faked.

The “Dateline” program, broadcast on April 16, included an interview with one of Reinado’s men, codenamed Teboko, who was involved in the clash at Ramos-Horta’s home. Teboko insists that Reinado had an appointment to see the president.

“We had an order from Alfredo not to attack the residence of the president,” he told the SBS program. “It’s clear. You can imagine that if we were going to attack him we could have shot him in Maubisse or Suai when we met him [previously]. We did not think of this. It was not in our minds. We had an appointment with the president from Major Alfredo and we were going with two vehicles and we arrived without any weapon discharge. As we know on the FDTL [Timorese military] part, they shoot at us first. They killed Major Alfredo and a member Leopoldino.”
“Dateline” journalist Mark Davis explained: “According to Teboko, about 10 minutes after entering the compound with no gun fire and none threatened, Alfredo Reinado was suddenly shot dead. Meeting closed.”

A similar account was provided by Natalia Lidia Guterres, the widow of Leopoldino, Reinado’s man who was also killed in Ramos-Horta’s residence. She told the Australian that her husband had entered their home at 3 a.m. on February 11 to change his uniform. She told the newspaper that Leopoldino had said, “We are going to meet Señor President”. The article, published on April 19, continued: “Natalia said Leopoldino seemed ‘most happy’ because they were going to work things out at a meeting [Angelita] Pires had arranged.”

The Australian also noted that a hand-drawn map of Ramos-Horta’s residence was found on Reinado’s dead body. The layout details were allegedly provided by Albino Asis, one of Ramos-Horta’s military guards who had also worked alongside Reinado in the military police before the 2006 crisis. Telephone records allegedly show Reinado speaking with Asis immediately prior to the alleged attack on Ramos-Horta’s residence. The Australian suggested that Asis had betrayed Ramos-Horta and was collaborating with Reinado. But if this were the case, why did Reinado enter the president’s home looking for him when he was away on his regular morning walk? Asis must have been familiar with Ramos-Horta’s schedule.

Also unexplained is the role of another man who worked at Ramos-Horta’s office and was seen at Reinado’s camp on the night before the February 11 violence. According to “Dateline”, the unidentified individual was a member of a group called MUNJ (Movement for Unity and Justice) which acted as a go-between for Ramos-Horta and Reinado. The SBS program reported: “Since the Horta shooting MUNJ have been particularly coy about their presence in Reinado’s camp the night before the attack. It’s clear that they were delivering a message from Horta, but it is totally unclear what time they left.”

Official account collapses

The official account of what transpired on February 11—that Reinado led a coup or assassination attempt—has fallen apart. It is now virtually certain that the former major went to the president’s residence to speak with Ramos-Horta, and may have believed he had an appointment. Why he did so, and how he came to be killed—up to an hour before Ramos-Horta himself was wounded—remains unclear.

The April 16 “Dateline” broadcast suggested Reinado feared that an amnesty deal, which he had arranged with Ramos-Horta in mid-January, was at risk. Under the terms of this secret agreement, Reinado and his men were to submit to the police, after which Ramos-Horta would issue them a full pardon. But on February 7, Ramos-Horta convened a meeting at his home involving Gusmao, government parliamentarians, and a large Fretilin delegation. The MPs reportedly told Ramos-Horta that he did not have the authority to issue Reinado an amnesty, and that this would have to be discussed in further meetings scheduled for February 12 and 14.

“Dateline” suggested that Reinado, having learned of what had been discussed, had gone to Dili to confront Ramos-Horta, whom he thought was preparing to renege on their deal.

This is certainly a possibility. Notably, however, the SBS program failed to acknowledge that the main item on the agenda of Ramos-Horta’s February 7 meeting was not Reinado’s amnesty but rather the formation of a new government. The president had concluded that Gusmao’s government, which was increasingly unpopular and wracked by infighting, was no longer viable. He told the assembled MPs that he agreed with Fretilin’s demand for early elections to be held to resolve the political crisis. Gusmao adamantly disagreed, however, and insisted that his coalition would continue to rule alone.

The World Socialist Web Site has previously noted that Prime Minister Gusmao had much to gain from Reinado’s death. In accordance with the old investigative standard cui bono (to whose benefit?), the possibility that Gusmao, or forces aligned with Gusmao, may have had something to do with the former major’s elimination cannot be excluded. The events of February 11 certainly resulted in the immediate cancellation of Ramos-Horta’s planned February 12 and 14 meetings, which had threatened to further advance moves to dissolve Gusmao’s government.

The prime minister immediately seized upon the violence to claim authoritarian powers under a declared “state of siege” (which will remain in force in Timor’s western districts until late May).

Moreover, Reinado’s death came after the former major had released a widely circulated DVD in which he accused Gusmao of directly instigating the 2006 petitioner’s protests that triggered the events culminating in the ousting of Alkatiri’s administration. Reinado had threatened to provide more details of Gusmao’s alleged role in the “regime change” operation.

Outstanding questions about Canberra’s role

Reinado had long standing connections with Australia. He resided in the country as a refugee in the 1990s (his wife and children continue to live in Perth), and received military training in Canberra after he had returned to Timor and joined the country’s armed forces. In 2006, Reinado was hailed in the Australian media for his role in destabilising the Alkatiri government, which Canberra considered too closely aligned to China and Portugal. After UN police arrested him on weapons charges, Reinado and his men somehow walked out of a Dili prison being guarded by Australian and New Zealand troops. Australian soldiers, including elite SAS forces, then claimed to be unable to locate and detain the former major as he issued regular public statements and conducted media interviews from his base in Timor’s west. This was completely implausible—Canberra has an extensive network of intelligence agents operating in East Timor, as well as an entire intelligence division, the Defence Signals Directorate, dedicated to monitoring electronic communications.

In the days leading up to Reinado’s killing, the former major made and received 47 telephone calls to Australia. It remains unknown to whom he was speaking. Timorese authorities have expressed frustration over the difficulty they have experienced in getting information from Australian intelligence officials about the voice recordings and text messages they intercepted. Indonesian authorities, on the other hand, immediately provided their intelligence relating to several calls Reinado made to that country.

Timorese investigators are also waiting for information regarding a Darwin bank account, containing up to $US1 million, that Reinado was able to access. According to East Timor prosecutor-general Longinhos Monteiro, Reinado was informed that the money had been deposited in the account in a text message sent by Angelita Pires, his lover and former go-between with the Australian military. Timorese prosecutors, President Ramos-Horta, Salsinha, and many of Reinado’s men have all accused Pires of manipulating Reinado and provoking the violence on February 11. No criminal charges have yet been laid against her.

Ramos-Horta has publicly demanded that Canberra explain why the million dollar sum went undetected, particularly in light of the automatic reporting alerts that routinely apply to large deposits under Australia’s strict banking laws. He also condemned the Australian government’s lack of action. “Two months [later] and I haven’t seen action to force the bank in Australia to release information,” he told ABC radio. “I want this resolved very, very quickly, otherwise I will take the matter to the UN security council.”

This extraordinary ultimatum was met with assurances from foreign minister Stephen Smith that the relevant information would be shared once “appropriate procedures” were followed by Timorese officials.

The Rudd Labor government’s apparent stonewalling has fuelled rumours in Dili that Australian personnel had a hand in the events of February 11. An April 22 article in the Australian noted: “It must disturb Australia—which heads the unloved International Stabilisation Force, which has been taken to sharpen its image by running newspaper advertisements showing a Digger shaking hands with a Timorese kid—that Timorese will interpret the [Darwin-deposited] money claims as powerful proof non-Timorese Australians were backing Reinado and Ms Pires.”
The piece continued: “Things are now skewing sideways, with many Timorese convinced that the February 11 attacks were all about Timor Gap oil and gas, with Australia not content to take the lion’s share it already has and, therefore, somehow trying to execute the Timor leadership in order to grab more money off the struggling country. Ordinary people will advise you quietly, with wide eyes, that this is really a battle between Australia and Indonesia v China.”

These rumours point to the escalating hostility towards the ongoing Australian occupation of East Timor. How credible they are is another matter. One more plausible explanation than Canberra being involved in “trying to execute the Timor leadership” is that Australian officials knew of, and perhaps participated in, a plan to eliminate Reinado. The former major had served his purpose as far as the Australian government was concerned, and was now threatening to help bring down the Canberra-aligned Gusmao government, thereby opening the door for Fretilin to return to power. Having expended significant resources ousting Alkatiri in 2006, this was the last thing Australian strategists wanted.

Salsinha’s surrender has been hailed in the international media as a major step towards peace and stability in East Timor, but the potentially explosive political crisis remains unresolved.
While still recuperating in Australia, President Ramos-Horta said he still feared for his life and was considering stepping down in order to write his memoirs in Paris. Now in Dili, however, he insists he has no intention of resigning. He has repeated his support for early elections to be held at the start of next year, and has also called on Fretilin to form a shadow cabinet, “to contribute to the country’s development”. The move has been interpreted in Dili as an expression of support for a potential Fretilin-led administration. In a speech to the Timorese parliament on April 23, Ramos-Horta said he would pardon Rogerio Lobato, a senior Fretilin MP who was convicted of arming civilians during the 2006 crisis. Lobato’s case formed an important part of bogus allegations issued by the ABC “Four Corners” program that Alkatiri had armed a “hit squad” to assassinate Fretilin’s opponents. The ABC smear job was used by Gusmao and the Australian government to pressure Alkatiri into resigning.

Ramos-Horta’s pledge to provide Lobato with an amnesty has been denounced in the Australian media. His apparent shift away from Gusmao and towards Fretilin will be similarly unwelcome. In all likelihood, Canberra’s response will be to step up its back door manoeuvres and dirty tricks aimed at bedding down its significant economic and strategic interests in the tiny, impoverished country.

Tradução:

Timor-Leste: Conspiração acentua-se quando se rende o líder duma alegada tentativa de “golpe”

WSWS : News & Analysis : Asia : East Timor
Por Patrick O’Connor 2 Maio 2008

Gastão Salsinha, o alegado co-líder do que foi rotulado tentativa de assassínio contra o Presidente Xanana Gusmão e o Primeiro-Ministro José Ramos-Horta em 11 de Fevereiro, rendeu-se às autoridades em Dili na Terça-feira. Salsinha é acusado especificamente de atacar o veículo de Gusmão depois do antigo major Alfredo Reinado ter sido morto a tiro por soldados na residência de Ramos-Horta. O antigo tenente das forças armadas nega essas alegações e insiste que nem ele nem Reinado tentaram orquestrar um golpe ou assassínio.

A rendição de Salsinha veio no medo de mais revelações que deitam mais dúvidas sobre a explicação oficial pra os eventos lamacentos de 11 de Fevereiro, e apontam mais uma vez paraa possibilidade de o próprio Reinado ter caído numa cilada de assassínio.

Salsinha tinha andado em fuga com cerca de doze dos seus homens nos distritos do oeste de Timor desde os alegados ataques contra Gusmão. Ele lidetou anteriormente os 600 soldados conhecidos como “peticionários”. O seu motim em 2006 precipitou ampla violência do que resultou a fuga de 150,000 Timorenses das suas casas. O desassossego foi seguido por uma intervenção militar Australiana e o derrube do governo da Fretilin liderado por Mari Alkatiri.
Salsinha concordou formalmente em render-se na passada Sexta-feira e passou os dias seguintes em negociações na cidade do oeste de Gleno. Ele rendeu-se em Dili na Terça-feira juntamente com 12 camaradas ex-soldados, incluindo Marcelo Caetano, que é alegado ter baleado Ramos-Horta. Ramos-Horta encontrou-se publicamente com os soldados amotinados em Dili quando entregaram formalmente as armas e se submeteram à polícia Timorense numa cerimónia realizada no Palácio do Governo. Com o Primeiro-Ministro Gusmão em Jacarta para conversações com o governo Indonésio, o Vice-Primeiro-Ministro José Luis Guterres presidiu à rendição e declaou isso um “momento histórico” para Timor-Leste.

No mês passado Salsinha deu uma entrevista telefónica ao programa “Dateline”da televisão da Austrália, SBS . “Há muitas acusações acerca de nós, acerca da morte do Major Alfredo e do presidente ser ferido e também sobre o ataque ao primeiro-ministro,” disse ele. “Dizem todos que estávamos a planear um golpe. Mas estão a mentir. Seja o que for que digam estão a tentar sujar a nossa reputação.... Estive lá mas não tinha nenhuma intenção para fazer um golpe ou prejudicar o primeiro-ministro. Se tivéssemos planeado magoar o primeiro-ministro, ele não teria chegado a Dili.”

Salsinha disse ao “Dateline” que cedo na manhã de 11 de Fevereiro, Reinado, que ele afirma estar bêbado, ordenou aos seus homens para o acompanharem a Dili para se encontrar com Ramos-Horta e Gusmão. Salsinha disse que esperou numa estrada que vai para a casa de Gusmão e que esperou por mais instruções enquanto Reinado foi a casa de Ramos-Horta.

Isso mantém obscuro o que aconteceu a seguir. Alguns relatos dizem que Salsinha recebeu uma mensagem de texto a informá-lo que Reinado tinha sido morto a tiro e que então o líder dos peticionários tentou sem sucesso emboscar a caravana de Gusmão. Mas o deputado do governo Mário Carrascalão questionou como é que ninguém foi ferido na alegada emboscada, enquanto Mari Alkatiri insiste que a Fretilin tem evidência fotográfica que indica que todo o incidente foi falsificado.

O programa “Dateline”, emitido em 16 de Abril, incluía uma entrevista com um dos homens de Reinado, de nome de código Teboko, que esteve envolvido no confronto em casa de Ramos-Horta. Teboko insiste que Reinado tinha uma marcação para ver o presidente.

“Tínhamos uma ordem de Alfredo para não atacar a residência do presidente,” disse ele ao programa do SBS. “É claro. Pode entender que se íamos para o atacar podíamos tê-lo baleado em Maubisse ou Suai quando o encontrámos [previamente]. Não pensámos isso. Isso não estava nas nossas mentes. Tínhamos uma marcação com o presidente do Major Alfredo e íamos com dois veículos e chegámos sem nenhuma descarga de arma. Como sabemos da parte das F-DTL [militares Timorenses], eles dispararam contra nós primeiro. Eles mataram o Major Alfredo e o membro Leopoldino.”O jornalista do “Dateline” Mark Davis explicou: “de acordo com Teboko, cerca de 10 minutos depois de entrarem no complexo sem nenhum fogo de arma e nenhuma ameaça, Alfredo Reinado foi de repente morto a tiro. Encontro encerrado.”

Um relato similar foi feito por Natália Lidia Guterres, a viúva de Leopoldino, o homem de Reinado que também foi morto na residência de Ramos-Horta. Ela disse ao The Australian que o marido entrou em casa às 3 a.m. Em 11 de Fevereiro para mudar o uniforme. Contou ao jornal que Leopoldino tinha dito “Vamos ter um encontro com o Senhor Presidente”. O artigo, publicado em 19 de Abril, continuava: “Natália disse que Leopoldino parecia ‘muito feliz’ porque iam resolver coisas num encontro que a [Angelita] Pires tinha arranjado.”

The Australian sublinhou também que um mapa feito à mão da residência de Ramos-Horta foi encontrado no corpo de Reinado. Os detalhes foram alegadamente dados por Albino Assis, um dos guardas militares de Ramos-Horta que tinha também trabalhado ao lado de Reinado na polícia militar antes da crise de 2006. Dados telefónicos mostram alegadamente Reinado a falar com Assis imediatamente antes do alegado ataque na residência de Ramos-Horta. The Australian sugeriu que Assis tinha traído Ramos-Horta e que estava a colaborar com Reinado. Mas se fosse esse o caso, porque é que Reinado entrou na casa do presidente à procura dele quando ele estava fora no seu regular passeio matinal? Assis devia estar familiarizado com a agenda de Ramos-Horta.

Também não explicado é o papel dum outro homem que trabalhou no gabinete de Ramos-Horta e que foi visto no acampamento de Reinado na noite antes da violência de 11 de Fevereiro. De acordo com o “Dateline”, o indivíduo não identificado era membro dum grupo chamado MUNJ (Movimento para a Unidade e Justiça) que actuou como intermediário para Ramos-Horta e Reinado. O programa SBS reparou: “Desde os tiros contra Horta o MUNJ tem estado particularmente calado sobre a sua presença no acampamento de Reinado na noite antes do ataque. Está claro que eles estavam a transmitir uma mensagem de Horta, mas não se sabe nada sobre as horas a que partiram.”

Relato Oficial Desmorona-se

O relato oficial do que transpirou em 11 de Fevereiro — que Reinado liderou um golpe ou uma tentativa de assassínio — caiu aos pedaços. É agora virtualmente certo que o antigo major foi à residência do presidente para falar com Ramos-Horta, e pode ter acreditado que tinha uma marcação. Porque é que o fez, e como é que veio para ser morto— cerca de uma hora antes do próprio Ramos-Horta ter sido ferido — mantém-se obscuro.

A emissão de 16 de Abril da “Dateline” sugeriu que Reinado receava que um acordo de amnistia, que tinha acordado com Ramos-Horta em meados de Janeiro, estava em risco. Sobre os termos deste acordo secreto, Reinado e os seus homens deviam submeter-se à polícia, depois do que Ramos-Horta lhes daria um perdão total. Mas em 7 de Fevereiro, Ramos-Horta convocou um encontro em sua casa envolvendo Gusmão, deputados do governo e uma grande delegação da Fretilin. Segundo relatos os deputados disseram a Ramos-Horta que ele não tinha autoridade para dar uma amnistia a Reinado e que isso teria que ser discutido em mais encontros agendados para 12 e 14 de Fevereiro.

O “Dateline” sugeriu que Reinado, tendo sabido do que tinha sido discutido, tinha ido a Dili para confrontar Ramos-Horta, que ele pensava que se estava a preparar para renegar o acordo.
Isto é certamente uma possibilidade. Extraordinariamente, contudo, o programa da SBS falhou em saber que o item principal na agenda do encontro de 7 de Fevereiro de Ramos-Horta não era a amnistia a Reinado mas sim a formação de um novo governo. O presidente tinha concluído que o governo de Gusmão, que é cada vez mais impopular e dividido por lutas internas, deixara de ser viável. Ele disse aos deputados reunidos que concordava com o pedido da Fretilin da realização de eleições antecipadas para resolver a crise política. Gusmão discordava duramente, contudo e insistia que a coligação continuaria a governar sozinha.

O World Socialist Web Site sublinhou previamente que o Primeiro-Ministro Gusmão tinha muito a ganhar da morte de Reinado. De acordo com a velha fórmula da investigação cui bono (quem ganha?), a possibilidade de Gusmão, ou as forças alinhadas com Gusmão, poderem ter algo a ver com a eliminação do antigo major não pode ser excluída. Os eventos de 11 de Fevereiro resultaram certamente no cancelamento imediato dos encontros planeados de 12 e 14 de Fevereiro de Ramos-Horta, que tinham ameaçado avançar mais movimentos para dissolver o governo de Gusmão.

O primeiro-ministro cavalgou imediatamente a violência para reclamar poderes autoritários sob a declaração dum “Estado de sítio” (que se manterá em força nos distritos do oeste de Timor até ao fim de Maio).
Mais ainda, a morte de Reinado ocorreu depois do antigo major ter emitido um DVD que circulou amplamente onde acusou Gusmão de instigar directamente os protestos dos peticionários em 2006 que desencadearam os eventos culminando no derrube da administração de Alkatiri. Reinado tinha ameaçado dar mais detalhes do alegado papel de Gusmão na operação de “mudança de regime”.

Questões importantes acerca do papel de Canberra

Reinado tinha relações há muito tempo com a Austrália. Ele residiu no país como refugiado nos anos de 1990s (a mulher e filhos continuam a viver em Perth), e recebeu formação militar em Canberra depois de ter regressado a Timor e ter-se juntado às forças armadas do país. Em 2006, Reinado foi elogiado nos media Australianos pelo seu papel na desestabilização do governo de Alkatiri, que Canberra considerava demasiado alinhado com a China e Portugal. Depois da polícia da ONU o ter preso com acusações de armas, Reinado e os seus homens de certo modo saíram duma prisão de Dili que estava a ser guardada por tropas Australianas e da Nova Zelândia.

Soldados Australianos, incluindo forças de elite SAS, então clamaram serem incapazes de localizar e deter o antigo major enquanto ele emitia declarações públicas regulares e dava entrevistas aos media desde a sua base no oeste de Timor. Isto era completamente implausível — Canberra tem uma extensa rede de agentes dos serviços de informações a operarem em Timor-Leste, bem como uma inteira divisão dos serviços de informações, a Directoria de Sinais de Defesa, dedicada a monitorizar comunicações electrónicas.

Nos dias antes da morte de Reinado, o antigo major fez e recebeu 47 chamadas telefónicas para a Austrália. Continua-se a não se saber com quem ele falava. Autoridades Timorenses expressaram frustração sobre a dificuldade que têm experimentado a obter informação das autoridades dos serviços de informações Australianas acerca das gravações de voz e do texto das mensagens que interceptaram. Autoridades Indonésias, por outro lado, forneceram imediatamente as suas informações em relação com várias chamadas que Reinado fez para o país.

Investigadores Timorenses estão também à espera por informações relativas a uma conta dum banco de Darwin, contendo um $US1 milhão, q que Reinado tinha acesso. De acordo com o procurador-geral de Timor-Leste Longinhos Monteiro, Reinado foi informado que o dinheiro tinha sido depositado na conta numa mensagem de texto enviada por Angelita Pires, a sua amante e antiga intermediária com os militares Australianos, Presidente Ramos-Horta, Salsinha, e muitos dos homens de Reinado têm todos acusados Pires de manipular Reinado e de provocar a violência em 11 de Fevereiro. Não foram ainda feitas acusações criminosas contra ela.

Ramos-Horta tem pedido publicamente que Canberra explique como a soma do milhão de dólares passou sem detecção, particularmente à luz dos alertas automáticos que se aplicam por rotina a grandes depósito sob as rigorosas leis bancárias da Austrália. Ele também condenou a falta de acção do governo Australiano. “Dois meses [depois] e não vi nenhuma acção para forçar o banco na Austrália para libertar a informação,” disse ele na ABC radio. “Quero isto resolvido muito, muito rapidamente, de ouro modo levarei a questão ao conselho de segurança da ONU.”
Este ultimato extraordinário teve resposta com a garantia do ministro dos estrangeiros Stephen Smith que a informação relevante será partilhada logo que “procedimentos apropriados” sejam seguidos pelas autoridades Timorenses.

O aparente jogar à defesa do governo Labor de Rudd alimentou rumores em Dili que pessoal Australiano teve uma mão nos eventos de 11 de Fevereiro. Um artigo de 22 de Abril no The Australian sublinhava: “Isso deve perturbar a Austrália — que lidera a não amada Força Internacional de Estabilização, que foi levada a afiar a sua imagem fazendo anúncios nos jornais que mostram um soldado Australiano a apertar a mão a um garoto Timorense — que os Timorenses interpretarão afirmações do dinheiro [depositado em Darwin] como prova poderosa de que Australianos não-Timorenses estiveram a suportar Reinado e a Srª Pires.”A peça continuava: “As coisas estão agora a descarrilar, com muitos Timorenses convencidos que os ataques de 11 de Fevereiro tiveram tudo a ver com o petróleo e gás do Timor Gap, com a Austrália não contente em ficar com a parte de leão que já tem e por isso, de certo modo a tentar executar a liderança de Timor de modo a deitar a mão a mais dinheiro do país em luta. Gente comum avisá-lo-à muito calmamente, com os olhos abertos, que isto é realmente uma batalha entre a Austrália e Indonésia vs China.”

Estes rumores apontam para a escalada de hostilidade contra a ocupação Australiana de Timor-Leste em curso. Quanto credíveis são é outra questão. Uma explicação mais credível do que Canberra estar envolvida em “tentar executar a liderança de Timor” é que as autoridades Australianas sabiam e talvez participaram num plano para eliminar Reinado. O antigo major tinha servido os seus propósitos em relação ao que interessava ao governo Australiano, e agora estava a ameaçar a derrubar o governo de Gusmão alinhado com Canberra, e por isso a abrir a porta para a Fretilin regressar ao poder. Tendo gasto recursos significativos a derrubar Alkatiri em 2006, isto era a última coisa que os estrategas Australianos queriam.

A rendição de Salsinha tem sido elogiada nos media internacionais como um passo grande para a paz e estabilidade em Timor-Leste, mas a potencialmente explosiva crise política mantém-se por resolver.Enquanto estava em recuperação na Austrália, o Presidente Ramos-Horta disse que ainda receava pela sua vida e que estava a considerar sair de modo a escrever as memórias em Paris. Agora em Dili, contudo, insiste que não tem nenhuma intenção de resignar. Tem repetido o seu apoio a eleições antecipadas a realizar no início do próximo ano, e pediu também à Fretilin para formar um gabinete sombra, “para contribuir para o desenvolvimento do país”. O gesto tem sido interpretado em Dili como uma expressão de apoio para uma potencial administração liderada pela Fretilin. Num discurso ao parlamento Timorense em 23 de Abril, Ramos-Horta disse que vai perdoar a Rogério Lobato, um deputado de topo da Fretilin Mque foi condenado por armar civis durante a crise de 2006. O caso de Lobato foi uma parte importante de alegações falsas emitidas pelo programa “Four Corners” da ABC que Alkatiri tinha armado um “esquadrão de ataque” para assassinar opositores da Fretilin. O trabalho de difamação da ABC foi usado por Gusmão e pelo governo Australiano para pressionar Alkatiri a resignar.

A promessa de Ramos-Horta para dar uma amnistia a Lobato tem sido denunciada pelos media Australianos. O seu aparente afastamento de Gusmão e aproximação à Fretilin será mal recebido da mesma maneira. Com toda a probabilidade a resposta de Canberra será aumentar as suas manobras por baixo da mesa e jogadas porcas que visam cobrir os seus significativos interesses económicos e estratégicos no país pequeno e empobrecido.

Let bygones be bygones: Gusmao

The Jakarta Post
May 02, 2008

Thorny issues from the past have often derailed relations between Timor Leste and its former master Indonesia. Timor Leste Prime Minister Kayrala Xanana Gusmao, on an official visit to Indonesia, discussed with The Jakarta Post's Riyadi Suparno and Matheos V. Messakh bilateral issues and the future of Timor Leste. What follows are excerpts:

During your visit, a number of economic agreements have been signed. How do you see the prospects for economic relations with Indonesia?

We see the relationship as more than the small amount of trade volume. We have held a meeting with Kadin (the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry) where we told them to look at us as a place of investment. As a business, maybe we cannot offer Indonesia high capability to buy your products. But look at us as a place of investment.

If you invest money, we could together sell your products to some other countries. We are a member of ACP-EC (African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and the European Community) Partnership Agreement, which is also known as the Cotonou Agreement. We can sell your products to Europe without tariffs, we can also sell the products to China and even to Australia without any tariffs.

This is the relationship. You bring your money through investment, give jobs to our people and together we sell products from Timor Leste. This is what we are trying to say to Indonesians.

We understand that there are still some elements in Timor Leste who have hard feelings about Indonesia. Do you think Indonesian investments will be safe?

Many Indonesians live in Timor Leste currently. The relationship with Indonesian is not a problem.

The Commission for Truth and Friendship (CTF), which was founded under your presidency, has received lots of criticism including from the United Nations. Some critics said the joint commission offered only impunity and undermined the judicial system. What's you stance?

In December 2006, I went to New York and also to Geneva to hand over the final report of the CAVR (the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation), a similar report to the CTF report.

We talked about an international community solution. I said, "It's yours, we do what we think the best for our country. If you want, go on. It is not my business."

It is the CAVR report that recommended Timor Leste bring all the countries that helped Indonesia occupy Timor Leste, whether it was politically or financially or even with equipment, to an international tribunal.

I told Timor Leste's parliament in 2005, "We don't have to do this after the devastation in 1999. Do we have to do this after everything was destroyed? The international community came and pushed us to do this." I asked the parliament, the people elected by our people, to decide.

The decision of the state is that the past is the past. We have to build our future. Are we strong enough to put the past in the past? We should be and we must be.

We must not avoid the past. We must tell the truth, we must say that something happened in Timor Leste and Indonesia in the past. We cannot just erase these things. This is what we are trying to educate ourselves about, that we lived together in a very dramatic situation in our history. But it was the past. Now we live together to build a better future for all of us.

But critics say that you cannot provide truth without going through a tribunal process. Your response?

But why me? When Timor Leste has many social problems, security problems, humanitarian problems, why do I have to divert my attention to this when my task is to provide service to my people?

Mozambique also had a war after their independence with thousands of people dying, but they could solve their problem internally. Perhaps some problems still exist but they don't have to kill each other because of the past.

Northern Ireland is also in a process of national reconciliation.

Why only us? Our position is not to vacate the past but to take the past as a lesson in order to prevent similar mistakes in the future.

I can say that whoever provided the TNI (the Indonesian Military) with weapons, bullets and other equipment must go to trial. I can always say that.

But for now, my biggest concern is how to make the life of my people better. The TNI are in the process of putting themselves in a democratic system. So, the best that we can appreciate from both sides is that we are conscious that in the past it was wrong, and now we have to move to share the future.

Even in Timor Leste, lots of people criticize you and President Ramos Horta for your position on the CTF.

I met (former military commander) Wiranto before the Indonesian presidential election in Bali in 2004, and when I went back to Dili they called me a traitor and liar. I don't mind. You can define me however you like, but my concern now is how to put the interest of the people above what can happen to me.

Some say that the 2006 crisis in Timor Leste was caused by the rivalry between you and Jose Ramos-Horta on one side, and Mari Alkatiri and the Fretilin party on the other side. What's your explanation?

It will take a long time to tell. I was a member of the Fretilin central committee a long time ago. If each one said that they are the best, I can have this opportunity also to say that I am the best.

We were defeated by the TNI in 1978, all the senior leaders died and I took over the leadership. I did everything in my capability and my capacity to continue until 1986. I changed the policy, then I became a traitor at that time. I came out from Fretilin (Revolutionary Front for an Independent Timor Leste) and put the guerrilla forces (Falintil) outside of the political party, and we became independent.

In 1999-2000, I said I finished my duty and let the parties to deal with state issues. We had confidence in Fretilin to take over the government for five years, but they made mistake.

So, I said I'm still ready to defend the interests of my people and I built a party. I let them save the country, now I'm ready to lead them again to free themselves from a condition of frustration.

There are still thousands of refugees in West Timor. What's your policy about these refugees?

If we look at the past, from 1999 to 2001, I was along the border, meeting with many of them including some high-level leaders. We solved many things. We brought back thousands and thousands of people.

Now that I am the head of the government, first, I have to look after the stability within my country. I will continue to look at this issue and in the middle of that we will create all the conditions for them to be sure that if they return they will not meet the enemy.

Bahasa Indonesia is still spoken widely in Timor Leste. What will be the future of Bahasa Indonesia there?

In our constitution, Bahasa Indonesia is our working language. And now under our cooperation, Indonesia will help us with teachers to teach Bahasa in secondary schools so that our students will be ready if they go to Indonesian universities.

There is a joke in Timor Leste that Indonesian graduates are "sarjana supermi" (instant noodle scholars). What's your opinion?

I have many of them working with me. I am also a sarjana of life, graduated from "Universitas Tertutup" in Cipinang penitentiary.

Salsinha em prisão preventiva

Ataques em Timor-Leste

Decretada prisão preventiva para o ex-líder dos peticionários das Forças Armadas timorenses e outros cinco elementos do grupo por envolvimento nos ataques contra o Presidente e o primeiro-ministro de Timor-Leste.
Expresso, 10:07 Quinta-feira, 1 de Maio de 2008

O Tribunal Distrital de Díli decretou hoje a prisão preventiva do ex-tenente Gastão Salsinha e cinco elementos do seu grupo por envolvimento nos ataques de 11 de Fevereiro, contra o Presidente e o primeiro-ministro de Timor-Leste.

O ex-líder dos peticionários das Forças Armadas timorenses e os outros cinco suspeitos foram constituídos arguidos quarta-feira ao final do dia, tendo regressado hoje ao tribunal para concluir o primeiro interrogatório.

Nenhum dos arguidos quis prestar declarações em tribunal.

Os seis arguidos ouviram nas instalações do Tribunal de Recurso (o Tribunal Distrital está em obras) os factos que justificam que o Ministério Público tenha pedido a sua prisão preventiva.

Os factos são relativos aos ataques de 11 de Fevereiro contra o Presidente da República, José Ramos-Horta, e o primeiro-ministro, Xanana Gusmão, nos quais o chefe de Estado ficou gravemente ferido.

Gastão Salsinha, que após os ataques de 11 de Fevereiro se pôs em fuga com um grupo de cerca de 30 elementos, rendeu-se às autoridades a 25 de Abril, e foi transferido para Díli segunda-feira, sob fortes medidas de segurança.

Inicialmente sob custódia do comando conjunto da operação "Halibur", de captura dos fugitivos, sete dos 12 elementos que desceram de Ermera (oeste) com Gastão Salsinha foram postos em liberdade e não tiveram que ser presentes ao juiz, uma vez que não existia sobre eles nenhum mandado de captura.
Lusa

SPEECH BY HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRIME MINISTER

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF TIMOR-LESTE

OFFICE OF THE PRIME MINISTER

SPEECH BY HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRIME MINISTER

KAY RALA XANANA GUSMÃO

ON THE OCCASION OF HIS VISIT TO JAKARTA

“REDEFINING FUTURE RELATIONS BETWEEN INDONESIA AND TIMOR-LESTE”

30 April 2008

Indonesian Council on World Affairs

Excellencies

Dear friends

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is always an honour to address you all, particularly in this Council that brings together members from the most varied sectors of Indonesian society, and which has already received illustrious international figures for debates on issues of global importance, within a truly democratic and universal context. I therefore salute the members and patrons of the Indonesian Council on World Affairs for the excellent work they have been doing.

The subject “Redefining Future Relations between Indonesia and Timor-Leste” resonates deeply with me. The mutual sympathy and friendship that unites both our countries did not begin yesterday, and I believe they will not fade in the future, since they are part of the history of our two Republics.

Thus I will speak to you with an open heart, as one does among old friends. The common origins and the way in which the more painful memories of our past have been overcome – through a process of mutual reconciliation – allows us to foresee that our relations, by being strengthened, can contribute in the future to the consolidation of our two young democracies.

In 1999, the people of Indonesia and the people of Timor-Leste added a new chapter to the history of democracy in Southeast Asia. In spite of doubts and scepticism, our people voted for democracy and the principles of a State under the Democratic Rule of Law, with Indonesia abandoning irreversibly its legacy of autocratic governance and with Timor-Leste starting the path towards national sovereignty and independence.

Here I must congratulate His Excellency the President of the Republic Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono for his democratic vision for the Indonesia Nation. Under his leadership the Indonesian people have known the opportunities provided by a climate of peace and stability, and they have enjoyed the ideal of freedom.

Timor-Leste, as a young democracy, also aspires to be distinguished by a culture of tolerance and, like its neighbour, to promote “unity in diversity”, nurturing a true democratic culture.

As founding member of ASEAN and as an emergent democracy, Indonesia has been playing a leading role in terms of change and leadership, which are vital for the region of Southeast Asia of which Timor-Leste is a part. Your country, within a very specific context of respect for customs and traditions, has distinguished itself by way of significant changes that enabled the development of the economy and the promotion of peace and national stability.

This progress, accompanied by Timor-Leste with great enthusiasm, is all the more remarkable since we are talking about a country with an ethnic, historical, cultural and language diversity that cannot be neglected, thereby proving that diversity can indeed be a factor of development and union.

Timor-Leste has been extending and consolidating cooperative relations with several countries in the world, with special attention to the regional context. Membership of ASEAN is a priority for the Timorese State, since we consider that it is extremely important to belong to this “family” and to extract the implicit advantages that derive from here: security, stability, economic development and regional cooperation.

What is more, the fact that we will be full members of ASEAN is also a way for us to have a more active participation in the collective regional development effort.

I cannot miss this opportunity to salute the Indonesia Government for the creative and responsible way in which it has conducted the Aceh stabilization process – I consider it to be a triumph of Peace – a fruit of the commitment by the Indonesian leaders and civil society, in nurturing reconciliation and democracy in the Country.

This victory would not have been possible without the participation of all Indonesian people, who continue to astound us with demonstrations of courage and compassion, as well as with the way in which they have overcome the natural disasters that have befallen them.

I would also like to say a few words condemning vehemently the terrorist attacks that have killed hundreds of Indonesian citizens, mostly Muslims. These attacks represent an attempt to destroy the traditions of cultural tolerance and freedom, and the damaging connotation that is often made between Islam and terrorism must also be fought against effectively.

Indeed, we can see in the entire world the fundamental contribution that the Muslim community has made to the development of humankind itself, co-existing healthily with other religions and sharing its knowledge and wisdom in an open and constructive manner. Indonesia, the Country with the largest Muslim community in the world, has been a singular example of this reality.

Timor-Leste has a small but dynamic Muslim community, the rights of which are acknowledged in our Constitution. Our Government has been giving all necessary support for this community to develop itself and to have an active participation in the development of the Country.

The dialogue between cultures and civilizations requires strong and demanding internal agendas, in terms of respect for difference and the inclusion of everyone in society, regardless of beliefs, religions and cultures, especially today when we must carry on opening paths towards dialogue and hope, through all the existing tensions.

This dialogue must take place within a framework of universal values and principles, respecting individual rights and freedoms. Thus I must highlight the efforts made by the Indonesian Government and by His Excellency the President of the Republic Yudhoyono which, within the context of ASEAN, has been defending the fundamental rights of the people of Burma.

We have been following the dramatic situation lived in Burma with great concern and disappointment. These people, our neighbours in the region, have been the victims of policies that have laid waste to their democratic aspirations and that have eaten away at the economic, social and human fabric of their country. It is impossible for us to contain our indignation.

We truly hope that a solution can be found urgently for Burma – a solution that includes the leader of the opposition and the Nobel Peace Prize winner Ms Aung San Suu Kyi – returning freedom and the full exercising of democracy to their people.


Excellencies

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The common features that united Timor-Leste and Indonesia are too many for us to think of a future that does not involve the strengthening of our ties: we have a common historic past; we have common borders; we have Timorese citizens living in Indonesia and Indonesian citizens living in Timor-Leste, completely integrated. The Indonesian language has been declared a working language by our Constitution, and certain features of our two cultures also make us feel closer to each other.

In addition to this, we face similar challenges: to build a sound democracy; to consolidate transparent and accountable institutions; to enhance the rule of law; to strengthen the judicial system and to nurture a free and independent media capable of contributing to the accountability of the leaders towards their people.

In view of all this, our future relations must be built around a strong partnership that promotes peace and security, as well as new opportunities for prosperity, freedom, justice, tolerance and democracy for our neighbouring and friendly countries.

The development of the creation of the Truth and Friendship Commission, which represented a unique reconciliation model, is evidence of how this is possible.

We were pushed forward by the strong will to move on and by the determination to turn the pages of the past, through joint efforts, as the solution of old problems will contribute to advancing our bilateral relations. This innovative way to bring our two peoples together in an uncommon approach in the search for truth and in the promotion of friendship – instead of starting legal cases – contributes to their further unity, based on the common acknowledgement that we all suffered because of a regime.

The final report of the TFC will be ready within the present year – as a result of the acknowledged commitment by the commissioners from both countries – and its recommendations will be implemented as far as possible.

Let our recent history state that, despite the concerns underlying the creation of this Commission, the Republic of Indonesia and the Republic of Timor-Leste spared no effort to develop relations of stability, friendship and mutual advantages between the two countries and peoples, making reconciliation indeed a reality.

Excellencies

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The IV Constitutional Government of Timor-Leste entered office about 8 months ago and assumed the responsibility for the definition and implementation of a reform agenda in a country that, in addition to being democratically young, was also in a particularly weakened condition, as a result of the 2006 crisis.

The 2006 political crisis, which shook the foundations of our State and subjected our People to unforeseeable suffering and anguish, left behind a heavy legacy with painful consequences, of which the assassination attempts of February 11 were a dramatic example.

However, those who tried to attack the sovereignty of the State could not achieve their goals, as once again the institutions of our Country, despite their fledgling state, were able to face this new trial with firmness and determination.

The State of Timor-Leste chose to declare martial law in order to prevent greater public disturbances, as well as to undertake the necessary investigation and operational diligences to capture the suspects of the crimes, while at the same time ensuring the population a social climate of public normality and tranquillity.

These measures allowed a significant improvement in the internal security situation of the Country, with all of those involved in the attacks having already surrendered themselves to justice.

This development is the result in part of the creation of a Joint Command between the Armed Forces and the National Police, which have demonstrated that they are able to operate in a coordinated, efficient and effective manner. If we can draw positive lessons from difficult periods, we can highlight the cooperation of these two institutions, proving that, when confronted with a common objective, they are capable of working well and in a duly articulated manner, thereby disproving the argument arising in 2006 that these forces would never see eye to eye in the pursuit of the objectives of a State under the Democratic Rule of Law.

It is with satisfaction that I announce that at this time the exceptional measures restricting the rights and freedoms of citizens have been lifted, and that the country has returned to normal, with the exception of the region of Ermera, where some members of the rebel group surrendered only in the last couple of days.

Our Government is also committed to the urgent resolution of the problems that condition economic growth in our country, such as the problem of the thousands of internally displaced persons. We are aware that peace and stability cannot be achieved without restoring dignity and justice to these sectors of the population, who deserve the protection of the State and the material and spiritual wellbeing to make use of the freedom earned with so great a sacrifice.

Efficient governance is essential to strengthen the confidence of the People in the Government. The protection of Human Rights, Justice and the Rule of Law, together with the guarantee of security and stability to the people, are the main obligations of the State. In this sense we are faced with huge challenges, which need to be overcome urgently.

We have been following the Public Sector Reform in Indonesia, and my Government, too, has chosen 2008 as the year of Administrative Reform. The Government is committed to creating an efficient and independent civil service, free of corruption and relying on the collaboration with other state institutions – so that the transformation of the public sector may lead to governance characterised by transparency, accountability and efficiency in the management of public finance.

In the immediate fight against poverty we are implementing a proactive economic policy for mobilizing foreign investment and attracting investors. We believe this is the more immediate way to create employment, whilst at the same time transforming the national business environment, particularly insofar as it concerns the related administrative procedures.

In addition to this, we are reviewing the investment laws and other essential laws (such as the one on land and property) and attracting foreign investment, whilst undertaking tax reform and reducing taxes in the non-oil sector, in order to increase private investment.

It is here that I would like to see an increase in the investment and economic cooperation between Timor-Leste and Indonesia. We want more Indonesian companies to invest in Timor-Leste, and we want Timorese and Indonesian business people to have a closer relationship.

The truth is that around 70% to 80% of our external trade is with Indonesia, and therefore we have to develop mechanisms to facilitate these commercial relations and attract the Indonesian private sector.

The strengthening of the economic and commercial ties between our two countries is also an investment in our national security. Together with the establishment of new dynamics of cooperation in the area of defence, mostly in the border areas, this will be fundamental for the future dialogue between our Nations.

I must also thank Indonesia for closing the land border posts so as to prevent our bilateral relations from being affected, during the most critical periods we have experienced in the recent past.

The threats to internal stability within the global world of today are shared with concern by us all. The subversive actions against national identity and cohesion, the acts of terrorism, guerrilla war and force by movements with political goals contrary to the constitutional order (as we have witnessed with the attacks of February 11), and of course organized crime such as drug trafficking and others, are threats that we must fight together, as neighbouring countries.

The strengthening of our diplomatic relations makes the entire country benefit from stability, rather than just the border area, thus promoting development and fighting the threats that have an increasingly more global nature.

I would like to conclude by saying that the bilateral meetings we have had have been rather productive and fruitful. I can highlight the signing of various agreements in fundamental areas for the development of Timor-Leste, such as:
* Trade Agreement between Timor-Leste and Indonesia

* Memorandum of Understanding on Technical Cooperation on Trade

* Memorandum of Understanding on Technical Cooperation concerning Small, Medium Industries

* Memorandum of Understanding on Technical Cooperation on Drug and Food Control.
In addition to these bilateral and also trilateral agreements – including Australia, the United States, Brazil and Germany – I must also state my appreciation for the contribution that Indonesia has made towards the development of the institutional capacity of my country, providing technical cooperation and assistance in areas so diverse as health, forestry, transport, telecommunications, power and diplomacy, among others.

With Timor-Leste being a country that consists mostly of young people faced with the drama of unemployment and social integration, the scholarships and facilities attributed to our university students are very much appreciated by us.

Lastly, it is with great satisfaction that we welcome the establishment of an Indonesian Cultural Centre in Dili, in response to the request of His Excellency the President of the Republic Dr Ramos-Horta, as a means of promoting even closer cultural cooperation between Indonesia and Timor-Leste.

Despite the setbacks that have accompanied the sustainable development of our country, I consider that Timor-Leste has great potential to succeed and to be a source of pride for all those who have supported us and believed in us.

The common agenda of boosting cooperation as the defining feature of relations between Indonesia and Timor-Leste is promising! For the future I propose that we explore even further that which brings us close.

Let us reinvent new partnerships, formulating serious cooperation proposals, as a way to defend the freedom of our brother countries.

Our common history is made by our two peoples. Let us create the conditions for the friendship and solidarity among them to grow stronger and stronger!


Jakarta, 30 April 2008

Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão

Salsinha continua em Ermera, nada mudou desde sexta-feira

Díli, 26 Abr (Lusa) - O ex-tenente timorense Gastão Salsinha, que na sexta-feira aceitou render-se às autoridades, permanence em Ermera, na região ocidental de Timor-Leste, numa casa sob controlo das Falintil-Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste (F-FDTL).

"A situação não mudou desde sexta-feira. Demos mais um par de dias para a entrega das armas e do resto do grupo", afirmou à Agência Lusa uma fonte que acompanha as negociações.

O ex-líder dos peticionários das Forças Armadas aceitou render-se após reuniões que envolveram a Presidência da República, elementos das forças de segurança timorenses, da Igreja Católica e líderes locais.

"Salsinha não tem as armas mas não as entregou (às autoridades). Não está preso mas concordou em não abandonar a casa onde está instalado", disse hoje uma fonte internacional à Lusa.

Não foi feita nenhuma declaração oficial sobre a situação de Gastão Salsinha nem sobre a data prevista para a concretização do acordo atingido na sexta-feira numa aldeia de Ermera.

Salsinha, líder do grupo rebelde que a 11 de Fevereiro atentou contra a vida do Presidente Ramos-Horta e do primeiro-ministro Xanana Gusmão, concordou "em não deixar a casa onde se encontra, até que o resto dos seus homens se juntem a ele", disse na sexta-feira à Lusa uma fonte oficial da ONU em Timor-Leste .

"A situação é muito parecida com o que aconteceu quando Gastão Salsinha concordou em entregar-se ao Procurador-Geral da República" há cerca de dois meses, comentou aquela fonte, que salientou o papel relevante da Igreja Católica, de políticos locais e da Procuradoria-Geral da República nas negociações com o chefe rebelde.

Até quinta-feira, estavam em prisão preventiva dez elementos do grupo de Gastão Salsinha e do major Alfredo Reinado, arguidos no processo do 11 de Fevereiro.

Angelita Pires, ex-assessora legal e namorada de Alfredo Reinado, está indiciada no mesmo processo, aguardando julgamento em liberdade mas com interdição de se ausentar do país.

Continuavam a monte 13 suspeitos com mandado de captura emitido, incluindo Gastão Salsinha, que lidera o grupo de fugitivos depois da morte do major Reinado no ataque à casa do Presidente José Ramos-Horta.

A operação Halibur de captura do grupo de Salsinha tem estado concentrada no distrito de Ermera.

No seu regresso a Timor-Leste, no passado dia 17, o Presidente da República, José Ramos-Horta, tinha ordenado ao ex-tenente Gastão Salsinha para se entregar e acabar com a sua "aventura".

"Deixe-se de aventuras. A vossa aventura e irresponsabilidade ao longo de meses já custou vidas", afirmou José Ramos-Horta na conferência de imprensa que deu no aeroporto internacional Nicolau Lobato, em Díli, dirigindo-se ao líder dos fugitivos ligados aos ataques de 11 de Fevereiro.

O Presidente fez, na ocasião, uma intervenção emocionada mas dura contra Gastão Salsinha e o major Alfredo Reinado, responsáveis pelos ataques contra José Ramos-Horta e o primeiro-ministro Xanana Gusmão.

José Ramos-Horta ficou gravemente ferido, o major Reinado morreu no ataque e o ex-tenente Salsinha fugiu com um grupo que agora está reduzido a cerca de 15 homens.

PRM.
Lusa/fim

Gastão Salsinha concordou em render-se mas ainda não entregou armas

Díli, 25 Abr (Lusa) - O ex-tenente timorense Gastão Salsinha concordou hoje em render-se em Ermera (Oeste de Timor-Leste), "mas até ao momento ainda não entregou as armas", disse à Agência Lusa fonte do comando conjunto da Operação Halibur.

Uma fonte oficial da ONU em Timor-Leste confirmou à Lusa existirem reuniões entre Gastão Salsinha e uma delegação da Procuradoria-Geral da República, do Parlamento, do Governo e das Forças Armadas, na aldeia de Liolo, junto a Gleno, Ermera.

Salsinha, líder do grupo rebelde que em 11 de Fevereiro atentou contra a vida do Presidente Ramos-Horta e do primeiro-ministro Xanana Gusmão, concordou, "em resultado destas conversações, em não deixar a casa onde se encontra, até que o resto dos seus homens se juntem a ele", disse aquela fonte.

"Depois disso, Gastão Salsinha concordou em entregar-se às autoridades", concluiu a fonte da ONU.

Uma outra fonte que tem acompanhado localmente as negociações, confirmou à Lusa a concordância de Salsinha na sua rendição, "mas até ao momento ainda não entregou as armas".

"A situação é muito parecida com o que aconteceu quando Gastão Salsinha concordou em entregar-se ao Procurador-Geral da República" há cerca de dois meses, comentou aquela fonte, que salientou o papel relevante da Igreja, de políticos locais e da Procuradoria-Geral da República nas negociações com o chefe rebelde.

Até quinta-feira, estavam em prisão preventiva dez elementos do grupo de Gastão Salsinha e do major Alfredo Reinado, arguidos no processo do 11 de Fevereiro.

Angelita Pires, ex-assessora legal e namorada de Alfredo Reinado, está indiciada no mesmo processo, aguardando julgamento em liberdade mas com interdição de se ausentar do país.

Continuavam a monte 13 suspeitos com mandado de captura emitido, incluindo Gastão Salsinha, que lidera o grupo de fugitivos depois da morte do major Reinado no ataque à casa do Presidente José Ramos-Horta.

A operação Halibur de captura do grupo de Salsinha tem estado concentrada no distrito de Ermera.

No seu regresso a Timor-Leste, no dia 17 de Abril, o Presidente da República, José Ramos-Horta, tinha ordenado ao ex-tenente Gastão Salsinha para se entregar e acabar com a sua "aventura".

"Deixe-se de aventuras. A vossa aventura e irresponsabilidade ao longo de meses já custou vidas", afirmou José Ramos-Horta na conferência de imprensa que deu no aeroporto internacional Nicolau Lobato, em Díli, dirigindo-se ao líder dos fugitivos ligados aos ataques de 11 de Fevereiro.

O Presidente fez, na ocasião, uma intervenção emocionada mas dura contra Gastão Salsinha e o major Alfredo Reinado, responsáveis pelos ataques contra José Ramos-Horta e o primeiro-ministro Xanana Gusmão.

José Ramos-Horta ficou gravemente ferido, o major Reinado morreu no ataque e o ex-tenente Salsinha fugiu com um grupo que agora está reduzido a cerca de 15 homens.

"Entregue-se ao pároco em Gleno ou Maubisse. Confio totalmente nesta igreja timorense. Ela saberá como contactar as autoridades", pediu o chefe de Estado a Salsinha no regresso de mais de dois meses de convalescença em Darwin, Austrália.

"Apesar de eu ter sido atingido, eu não queria que Salsinha ou qualquer outro timorense perdesse a sua vida.

Demasiados timorenses perderam as suas vidas", acrescentou José Ramos-Horta num momento em que, embargado, interrompeu as suas palavras.

"Salsinha tem que se entregar. Ele disse que esperava pelo meu regresso para se entregar. Eu prefiro que ele procure a igreja. Depois ele tem de ir ao Procurador-geral da República, ou ao tribunal, não sei o processo, e enfrentar a justiça", insistiu o Presidente.

"Salsinha já não é o líder dos peticionários", afirmou o Presidente da República na sua curta intervenção perante os deputados e a comunidade diplomática.


PRM.
Lusa/fim.

Gastão Salsinha rende-se em Ermera

Díli, 25 Abr (Lusa) - O ex-tenente timorense Gastão Salsinha rendeu-se hoje em Ermera (Oeste de Timor-Leste), disse à Agência Lusa fonte do comando conjunto da Operação Halibur.


PRM.
Lusa/fim.

Histórias de Portugal e da II Guerra Mundial no "Diário do Tenente Pires"

** Pedro Rosa Mendes, da agência Lusa, em Díli **

Díli, 26 Abr (Lusa) - A "violência" da colonização de Timor, a "brutalidade" da I República e o "cinismo" da política de Salazar face à invasão japonesa são as linhas que se cruzam na vida do tenente português Manuel de Jesus Pires.

"Timor na 2ª Guerra Mundial, O Diário do Tenente Pires", de António Monteiro Cardoso, é, por isso, "um livro iconoclasta", resumiu o historiador português em entrevista à agência Lusa.

António Monteiro Cardoso apresentou a obra (lançada em Outubro de 2007) em Díli, na Feira do Livro em Português, que terminou a 23 de Abril.

O historiador, que nunca tinha estado em Timor-Leste, visitou nos últimos dias alguns dos cenários onde se desenrolou a história heróica, com fim trágico, do tenente Pires, no distrito de Baucau (leste do país), à vista das montanhas do Matebian e do Mundo Perdido.

O tenente Pires foi administrador da vila de Baucau, que entre 1936 e 1975 se chamou Vila Salazar, capital da circunscrição de São Domingos, e morreu em data e local desconhecidos, talvez no final de 1944, assassinado no cativeiro japonês.

O pano de fundo do "Diário do Tenente Pires" é a resistência à ocupação japonesa de Timor, a guerra de guerrilhas movida por forças australianas ajudadas por timorenses e portugueses, a saída de Pires para a Austrália e o seu regresso à ilha, numa missão suicida, para salvar os portugueses que tinham ficado e corriam perigo.

António Monteiro Cardoso, recorrendo a abundantes fontes documentais, analisa e refuta neste livro dois mitos persistentes: a bondade da colonização de Timor e o sucesso da política de Salazar na colónia mais distante da metrópole.

"O livro pode não ser bom mas é o único livro que não vai ser fascista, como (são) os clássicos livros sobre a História de Timor, que são livros de exaltação do culto da bandeira e outras fantasias", ironizou o historiador na entrevista à Lusa em Baucau.

"Claro que há uma excepção, que é o livro de José Mattoso ("A Dignidade")", ressalvou António Monteiro Cardoso.

"Comete-se erros de interpretação em que se toma a parte pelo todo", acrescentou, recordando que uma versão realista, menos simpática a Portugal, já aparecia nas obras do historiador francês René Pélissier sobre o avanço das fronteiras coloniais.

"A verdade é o que Pélissier contou: a colonização foi violenta e usou os métodos de guerra, guerra de timorenses contra timorenses, como na Guiné pelo Teixeira Pinto", afirmou António Monteiro Cardoso à Lusa.

"Mantém-se a ilusão mitológica de que o colonialismo português não fazia mal a ninguém. Todos são maus a colonizar menos os portugueses", declarou à Lusa.

"O caso de Timor é o que melhor ajuda a criar este mito, devido à invasão indonésia. Há o mito da cristianização, da conquista das almas e não pela espada", explicou o historiador.

"O timorense por definição era católico, falava português e adorava Portugal", recorda.

António Monteiro Cardoso salienta que na sua obra sobre o tenente Pires e a 2ª Guerra Mundial teve presente as lições retiradas de "Weapons of the Weak" e "Hidden Transcripts", de James C. Scott, em que são analisadas as formas de resistência dos "fracos".

"As pessoas que estão sob uma situação de dominação não se podem exprimir livremente. Dão ideia de pacificação ou adesão, mas, criando-se certas oportunidades, passa-se rapidamente a situação de revolta de populações que pareciam amigas", diz António Monteiro Cardoso.

"É a história de todos os colonialismos".

"Os indígenas são tão simpáticos, tão portugueses, dóceis, um pouco mandriões é certo. Conhecem as crianças? Assim são os indígenas", ironiza o historiador sobre a visão colonial do timorense.

Outra das novidades do "Diário do Tenente Pires" é recuperar parte da história dos deportados portugueses em Timor, origem de vários "clãs" importantes, como a família Carrascalão ou a família do Presidente José Ramos-Horta.

"A novidade é que os principais deportados não foram enviados pelo regime de Salazar. Os primeiros, o núcleo-duro, eram anarco-sindicalistas, enviados pela I República para a Guiné e Cabo Verde e que depois a ditadura militar aproveitou para mandar para mais longe", conta António Monteiro Cardoso.

O historiador sublinha que o regime "democrático" e "benevolente" anterior ao Estado Novo tinha "uma forte componente anti-operária e de polícias políticas que agiam com uma brutalidade espantosa e que deportavam sem julgamento".

"Um regime sinistro", resume António Monteiro Cardoso.

Na obra sobre o tenente Pires, fala-se, por exemplo, da Legião Vermelha, "uma organização terrorista de contornos ocultos, de acção directa, destinada a atacar patrões, polícias e outros serventuários menores do capital".

A Legião fez um atentado contra o comandante da polícia de Lisboa, Ferreira do Amaral, origem de uma repressão que atingiu o auge em 1925.

Em 1931, o número de deportados "sociais" e "políticos" portugueses em Timor ultrapassava os 500, superior ao número de funcionários da administração.

Sobre a política de Salazar em Timor, António Monteiro Cardoso defende que o ditador português "demonstrou um desprezo absoluto pela vida humana e um cinismo completo".

Salazar pediu aos portugueses, perseguidos pelos japoneses, um "massacre inútil", uma decisão que antecipa o que aconteceu em 1961 com a invasão de Goa.

Na análise do historiador, Salazar descurou a protecção da colónia, até antes do início da guerra no Pacífico, não dando garantias de efectiva neutralidade nem ao Japão nem à Austrália e às potências Aliadas.

O tenente Pires e outros portugueses em Timor foram usados e sacrificados por Salazar para "garantir" a soberania sobre a colónia.

"Os mortos foram esquecidos e os sobreviventes perseguidos", conta o historiador.

Do tenente Pires, fica a história de um oficial que conseguiu salvar centenas de vidas "e que depois fica para a morte, acossado por todos os lados".

"É um exemplo de dignidade, coragem e abnegação até à morte, para cumprir um compromisso", conclui António Monteiro Cardoso.

Lusa/fim

Salsinha reedita promessa de se entregar em Ermera

JN, 26/04/08

O ex-tenente timorense Gastão Salsinha concordou ontem em render-se em Ermera (Oeste de Timor-Leste), "mas até ao momento ainda não entregou as armas", disse à Agência Lusa fonte do comando conjunto da Operação Halibur.

Uma fonte oficial da ONU em Timor-Leste confirmou existirem reuniões entre Gastão Salsinha e uma delegação da Procuradoria-Geral da República, do Parlamento, do Governo e das Forças Armadas, na aldeia de Liolo, junto a Gleno, Ermera.

Salsinha, líder do grupo rebelde que em 11 de Fevereiro atentou contra a vida do presidente Ramos-Horta e do primeiro-ministro Xanana Gusmão, concordou, "em resultado destas conversações, em não deixar a casa onde se encontra, até que o resto dos seus homens se juntem a ele", disse aquela fonte.

"Depois disso, Gastão Salsinha concordou em entregar-se às autoridades", concluiu a fonte da ONU.

Uma outra fonte que tem acompanhado localmente as negociações confirmou a concordância de Salsinha na sua rendição, "mas até ao momento ainda não entregou as armas".

"Filme" já visto

"A situação é muito parecida com o que aconteceu quando Gastão Salsinha concordou em entregar-se ao procurador-geral da República" há cerca de dois meses, comentou aquela fonte, que salientou o papel relevante da Igreja, de políticos locais e da Procuradoria-Geral da República nas negociações com o chefe rebelde.

Até anteontem, estavam em prisão preventiva dez elementos do grupo de Gastão Salsinha e do major Alfredo Reinado, arguidos no processo do 11 de Fevereiro.

Angelita Pires, ex-assessora legal e namorada de Alfredo Reinado, está indiciada no mesmo processo, aguardando julgamento em liberdade mas com interdição de se ausentar do país.

Continuavam a monte 13 suspeitos com mandado de captura emitido, incluindo Gastão Salsinha, que lidera o grupo de fugitivos depois da morte do major Reinado no ataque à casa do presidente José Ramos-Horta.

A operação Halibur de captura do grupo de Salsinha tem estado concentrada no distrito de Ermera.

Iminente a rendição do rebelde timorense Gastão Salsinha

Público, 26.04.2008
Jorge Heitor

Presidente Ramos-Horta desmentiu no Parlamento que tivesse agendado para sua casa, no dia em que foi atacado, qualquer encontro com o major Reinado

É possível que as autoridades timorenses possam anunciar hoje a rendição do antigo tenente Gastão Salsinha, que era tido como o líder do grupo que andava a monte desde Fevereiro e que ontem concordou uma vez mais render-se, se bem que não tenha de imediato entregue as armas, declarou ao PÚBLICO um responsável do gabinete de imprensa da Presidência da República, contactado pelo telefone.

Também os correspondentes da Lusa e da Antena Um referiram contactos entre Salsinha e representantes da Procuradoria-Geral e de outras entidades, na região de Gleno, distrito de Ermera, o único onde actualmente prevalece o estado de excepção decretado em todo o país depois do atentado de há dois meses e meio em que ficou gravemente ferido o Presidente, José Ramos-Horta.

O ambiente geral em Timor-Leste é hoje bem melhor e mais calmo do que há alguns meses, antes dos incidentes de 11 de Fevereiro, reconheceu ao PÚBLICO Maria Ângela Carrascalão, chefe de gabinete do secretário de Estado da Defesa, segundo a qual os militares e polícias timorenses saíram prestigiados das recentes provações.

Ao discursar esta semana no Parlamento, Ramos-Horta disse que "sem a intervenção divina e a sabedoria e dedicação dos médicos e enfermeiros em Díli e Darwin" não teria sobrevivido ao atentado, a propósito do qual três homens foram detidos na Indonésia, para onde entretanto teriam fugido: "Deus quis que eu continue a fazer uso de todas as minhas modestas faculdades para continuar a minha obra modesta em prol deste nosso povo e em prol da Humanidade".

O Presidente insistiu em que naquela data esteve na fronteira entre a vida e a morte; e que nessa altura ouviu "uma voz muito clara" a dizer para os que o tentavam matar: "Larguem-no, ele não fez mal a ninguém." E acredita que "era uma voz de comando, a voz de Deus".

O chefe de Estado felicitou o presidente do Parlamento, Fernando Araújo, "Lasama", pelo modo como interinamente o substituiu, tendo agradecido a todos os que acompanharam a evolução do seu estado, referindo em especial o secretário-geral das Nações Unidas, Ban Ki-moon, o presidente da Comissão Europeia, Durão Barroso, e o Papa Bento XVI.

Por outro lado, procurando desfazer certas teses que vieram a público, sublinhou que no dia 11 de Fevereiro não tinha nenhum encontro marcado, na sua residência, com o major rebelde Alfredo Reinado, que acabou por seu morto nesse local, algum tempo antes de ele próprio ter sido alvejado a tiro, "pelas costas, do lado direito", e caído na estrada.

Police chief denies Hercules arrested

04/25/08 18:36

Jakarta (ANTARA News) - National Police Chief Gen. Sutanto denied on Friday reports that police had arrested youth leader Hercules for implication in rebel activities in Timor Leste.

"There is no arrest of Hercules and no Indonesian national was captured," the police chief said here on Friday.

Sutanto explained that police had only arrested two Timor Leste citizens at Hercules`s house.

They were suspected of involvement in the Timor Leste revolt.

"Hercules himself was not arrested," the police chief stressed.

He said Hercules did not know that the two Timor Leste citizens who stayed at his house were fugitives and suspects in rebel activities in Timor Leste.

Hercules was willing to accommodate them at his house only because of humanitarian consideration and was willing to find them a job, he said.

When police arrested them, police did not find any fire arms, sharp weapons or other illegal items in the house, Sutanto said.

So far, Hercules had often helped Timor Leste citizens with regard to the economic development in that country.

Hercules even tried to convince investors to invest in Timor Leste, the police chief said.

Asked on telephone relations with Timor Leste rebels, Sutanto said Hercules did have telephone links with them but not in connection with rebellion.

Previously, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said Indonesian police had arrested three citizens of Timor Leste who were involved in rebellious activities. The three were identified as Egidio Lay Carvalho, Jose Gomes, and Ismail Sansao Moniz Soares.

The three suspects are all members of the military of Timor Leste who were involved in the rebel activities, and suspected of involvement in President Ramos Horta`s shooting incident, he said.

But the police chief said that those arrested were not only three but four.

"Two were arrested in the border area between Indonesia and Timor Leste and the two others at Hercules`s home," Sutanto said.

East Timor's top rebel gives up

The Australian
Paul Toohey April 26, 2008

REBEL lieutenant Gastao Salsinha last night surrendered after two years on the run and put himself in the personal control of East Timor's most senior army officer, Brigadier Tuar Matan Ruak.

Salsinha's capitulation will hopefully bring to an end two years of stand-offs, negotiations and violence that has torn the country apart.

Salsinha, who allegedly led the attack on Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao on February 11 while Alfredo Reinado launched the raid on President Jose Ramos Horta's compound, spent yesterday sitting in a house in Ermera, in the west of East Timor, with a Catholic Church priest acting as his mediator as armed forces surrounded the position.

Negotiators had gone to a house near the town of Gleno, atSalsinha's suggestion, to collect him.

Despite being circled by a heavily armed joint command taskforce made up of F-FDTL (army) and PNTL (police), Salsinha continued to hold his weapon and said he would not surrender until members of his family, who are also on the run, and eight or nine other rebels, joined him. In the end, Salsinha, 35, did not have much in the way of bargaining power.

Salsinha's role as a rebel leader dates back to January 2006, when he and other members of the F-FDTL wrote to their brigadier and then president, Mr Gusmao, complaining that people born in the west of the country had been overlooked for promotions.

They said the government preferred to reward eastern-born soldiers who were more likely to be associated with the Indonesian resistance. The following month, 591 of the "petitioners" abandoned their barracks.

In March, they were officially sacked. The petitioners, led by Salsinha, then won permission to stage a four-day demonstration in front of the Dili government offices. On the final day, April 28, 2006, they were joined by unruly youths. The government, led by then prime minister Mari Alkatiri ordered the F-FDTL in.

Six people were shot, two fatally. Violence spread across Dili and the country turned on itself. About 150,000 easterners became displaced and sought shelter in tent camps in Dili, most of which are still occupied.

Early in May 2006, Reinado, a military policeman, joined Salsinha's men. Reinado became the brash spokesman, with the quiet but determined Salsinha his second-in-charge.

Later that month, Reinado engaged F-FDTL and police in a firefight near Dili, in which five were killed and 10 injured. Reinado was later arrested for murder, but escaped from prison.

Meanwhile the government was accused, and later proved guilty, of arming a secret militia to attack the petitioners. Many police, or PNTL, born in the west, supported the petitioners. On May 25, 2006, nine police under the protection of the UN were massacred in cold blood as they sought to surrender.

This set in train events that would last more than two years and culminate in the February 11 attack on the President and the Prime Minister, with Reinado being shot dead.

Although Salsinha was not charged with murder, he was wanted for staging the ambush on Mr Gusmao's home.

Desi Anwar asks for president`s protection against Horta`s accusation

04/25/08 22:08
By Eliswan Azly

Jakarta (ANTARA News) - Metro TV's senior journalist Desi Anwar has asked President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to protect her from possible negative consequences following Timor Leste President Ramos Horta`s accusation against her.

"I also beg President Yudhoyono to ask Ramos Horta for a clarification of his groundless accusation and to rehabilate my good name as a journalist of Metro TV station," Anwar said when reporting her case to Indonesia`s Press Council here on Friday.

In the presence of all Press Council members, Desi Anwar categorically denied Horta`s charge which was made in a statement to the international press in Dili on April 18.

Horta accused Desi Anwar of having violated the journalist code of ethics and Timor Leste laws by activities that had contributed to the attempt to assassinate him.

"The accusation is a total lie, irresponsible and hurting me," she said in the company of Metro TV executives Djafar Assagaf, Elman Saragih and Saur Hutabarat.

Anwar said Horta`s accusation was a lie as she had never done the things Horta had referred to in his statement.

"I never went to Atambua, forged documents or facilitated Major Alfredo Reinado`s travel. I never made any direct or indirect contact with whoever, much less violated the law and contributed to an assassination attempt," she said.

Anwar reiterated that she had never known, met or made any contact with Major Alfredo Reinado.

According to her, Horta`s accusation was very dangerous as it was made by a president. It had created a negative perception about her as a journalist and person and had put her in difficult position with consequences in the future.

"Horta`s accusation against me will create a bad perception harmful to me as a journalist and an individual. I will take the matter to the Press Council and professional organizations," she said.

Anwar also intended to tell the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) about the Timor Leste President`s false accusation and ask for IFJ protection.

"The accusation is damaging my reputation at home and abroad. I could be banned from entering a country due to the accusation. As a journalist, I often cover events abroad," she said.

In the meantime, Wina Armada, a member of the Press Council, said he was ready to receive information from Anwar about her problem and give moral support to her.

"The Press Council is obliged to help and protect every member of the press community. We will receive Desi Anwar and our friends from Metro TV (an Indonesian private TV satiation) tomorrow (Friday/ April 25)," he said.

Meanwhile, chairman of the Indonesian Journalist Association (PWI)`s foreign affairs section, Saiful Hadi, told newsmen that PWI would help defend Desi Anwar as according to information he had received, the Metro TV journalist was not wrong.

"We will hear about Ramos Horta`s accusation directly from Desi. If the accusation is unfounded and not supported by evidence, PWI will urge Ramos Horta to withdraw his accusation. Horta must also apologize to Desi, Metro TV and the Indonesian people," said Saiful Hadi who is also Chief Editor of ANTARA news agency.

According to Saiful, nobody, not even a president, could level an accusation against someone else without evidence. "The accusation against Desi could disrupt her journalistic works and threaten her life," he said.

Metro TV`s denial

On Ramos Horta`s accusation against Desi Anwar, Metro TV made a clarification on the matter.

It was untrue that Metro TV journalist Desi Anwar was involved, either directly or indirectly, in an attempt to assassinate Timor Leste President Ramos Horta.

It was also untrue that, as a journalist, Desi Anwar had facilitated Major Alfredo Reinado`s trip to Jakarta or other places in the world.

In her professional history as a journalist, Desi Anwar did not know Major Alfredo Reinado as an individual and did not make any direct or indirect contact with Reinado.

Thus, according to Metro TV, Ramos Horta`s accusation against Desi Anwar was unfounded, irresponsible and had a created a bad perception harmful to Metro TV as an institution and Desi Anwar both as a journalist and an individual.

Metro TV had been looking forward to giving chances to President Ramos Horta to make corrections on his statement which was declared openly and quoted by media worldwide, and till April 22, 2008, at 2 pm, he did not make any correction, Metro TV needed to issue an official denial.

Metro TV urged President Ramos Horta to soon make a rectification of his unfounded accusation.

RI reporter accused by Ramos Horta to report to press council

04/24/08 19:20

Jakarta (ANTARA News) - Metro TV journalist Desi Anwar who was accused of involvement in an attempt to assassinate Timor Leste President Ramos Horta has called for support and protection from Indonesia`s Press Council and journalist associations.

"Ramos Horta`s accusation against me is unfounded and irresponsible . It has also created a bad perception harmful to me as a journalist and an individual. I will take the matter to the Press Council and professional organizations," she said here Thursday.

Desi was also expected to tell the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) about the Timor Leste President`s false accusation and ask for IFJ protection.

"The accusation is damaging my reputation at home and abroad. I could be banned from entering a country due to the accusation. As a journalist, I often cover events abroad," she said.

A member of the Press Council, Wina Armada, said he was ready to receive information from Desi about her problem and give moral support to her.

"The Press Council is obliged to help and protect every member of the press community. We will receive Desi Anwar and our friends from Metro TV (an Indonesian private TV satiation) tomorrow (Friday/ April 25)," he said.

Meanwhile, chairman of the Indonesian Journalist Association (PWI)`s foreign affairs section, Saiful Hadi, told newsmen that PWI would help defend Desi Anwar as according to information he had received, the Metro TV journalist was not wrong.

"We will hear about Ramos Horta`s accusation directly from Desi. If the accusation is unfounded and not supported by evidence, PWI will urge Ramos Horta to withdraw his accusation. Horta must also apologize to Desi, Metro TV and the Indonesian people," said Saiful Hadi who is also Chief Editor of ANTARA news agency.

According to Saiful, nobody, not even a president, could level an accusation against someone else without evidence. "The accusation against Desi could disrupt her journalistic works and threaten her life," he said.

On Ramos Horta`s accusation against Desi Anwar, Metro TV made a clarification on the matter.

It was untrue that Metro TV journalist Desi Anwar was involved, either directly or indirectly, in an attempt to assassinate Timor Leste President Ramos Horta.

It was also untrue that, as a journalist, Desi Anwar had facilitated Major Alfredo Reinado`s trip to Jakarta or other places in the world.

In her professional history as a journalist, Desi Anwar did not know Major Alfredo Reinado as an individual and did not make any direct or indirect contact with Reinado.

Thus, according to Metro TV, Ramos Horta`s accusation against Desi Anwar was unfounded, irresponsible and had a created a bad perception harmful to Metro TV as an institution and Desi Anwar both as a journalist and an individual.

Metro TV has been looking forward to giving chances to President Ramos Horta to make corrections on his statement which was declared openly and quoted by media worldwide, and till April 22, 2008, at 2 pm, he did not make any correction, Metro TV needed to issue an official denial.

Metro TV urged President Ramos Horta to soon make a rectification on the unfounded accusation.

Timor rebel comes out of hiding

The Age
Lindsay Murdoch
April 26, 2008

A REBEL leader who played a key role in attacks on East Timor's top two political leaders has come out of hiding to start negotiating his surrender.

Gastao Salsinha, who led a dozen heavily armed rebels to the home of Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao, yesterday met Government leaders, Timorese army chiefs and local Catholic church leaders at a house in Gleno in the country's western mountains.

A United Nations spokeswoman in Dili, Allison Cooper, confirmed the talks. "It appears Mr Salsinha is taking a step towards surrendering," she said.

For weeks Salsinha had told negotiators he would surrender only to President Jose Ramos Horta, who returned to Dili last week after nine weeks in Darwin recovering from gunshot wounds. But Mr Ramos Horta refused to go to the mountains to accept the surrender, saying Salsinha must give himself up.

A former army lieutenant who led 600 soldiers sacked in 2006 after they went on strike, Salsinha joined forces last year with rebel leader Alfredo Reinado, shot dead at the home of Mr Ramos Horta during the February 11 attacks.

Political leaders in Dili urged Timorese security forces not to kill Salsinha after he fled because they wanted him to tell them the identities of the figures behind Reinado.

Mr Ramos Horta has revealed that Reinado and his Timorese-born Australian lover, Angelita Pires, had been given access to $1 million in a Darwin bank account. Australian Federal Police have been asked to trace the source of the money.

If Salsinha surrenders, he is expected to play a key role in a Government offer to give the sacked soldiers their jobs back or to pay them the equivalent of three years' salary — about $US7000 ($A7493).

Government officials have been reluctant to finalise the deal while Salsinha is on the run, fearing some of the men would take the money and rejoin him in the mountains. Negotiations over the offer have been at a sensitive stage for weeks.

Although 80% of the men want to rejoin the army, analysts say their return to the ranks could revive hostilities over accusations that soldiers from western parts of the country were discriminated against by those from the east.

Mr Gusmao needs to secure the deal if the country is to return to peace, analysts say.

Since the attacks, Salsinha has often changed his account of what happened when speaking to journalists on his mobile telephone. At first he even denied going to Mr Gusmao's house.

Most recently, he claimed that Reinado was drunk, stressed and angry the night before the attacks and that he and the other rebels were not given any instructions to attack.

Investigators want to find out why the men under Salsinha's command at Mr Gusmao's house opened fire on the Prime Minister's vehicle. Reinado could not have ordered them to as he had been dead for up to an hour.

UNMIT Daily Media Review - 25 April 2008

UNMIT-MEDIA

(International news reports and extracts from national media. UNMIT does not vouch for the accuracy of these reports)

Salsinha promises to submit himself within April – Diario Nacional

The Deputy Commander of the Joint Operation Command Mateus Fernandes said that Salsinha and his members have promised to submit themselves within this month even though the operation is still continuing. “He did not nominate an exact date, but he did promise that in short time he will submit himself to the church. That is what he said … we will see the reality,” said Commander Fernandes on Wednesday (23/4) in Dili.

Ed: Pardon for Rogerio Lobato– Diario Nacional

When President Ramos-Horta said that he would pardon prisoners on 20 May, including former Minister of Interior Rogerio Tiago Lobato, many people were surprised as Mr. Lobato was imprisoned for a short time before he went to Malaysia for medical treatment.

We know that Mr. Lobato is a political leader who has political maturity, obeys the law and with humility accepted the decision of the court sentence. We may reject the decision of President Ramos-Horta, but the Constitution gives him the right to do so. As citizens of this country, we should bow our heads to the constitution made by our representatives in the National Parliament.

Pardon for Rogerio: Horta attacks the Constitution – Suara Timor Lorosa’e

CNRT MPAderito Hugo said that the decision made by the president to pardon Rogerio Lobato is an attack on Timor Leste’s constitution. “The way that the President has handled this is an attempted attack on our constitution,” said Aderito Hugo on Thursday (24/4) at the National Parliament.

Mr Hugo added that the man imprisoned for his part in the weapons distribution of 2006, Rogerio Lobato, has not yet earned the right to be pardoned.Separately, National Director of Prison, Helena Gomes said that it is right for President Ramos Horta to pardon Rogerio Lobato as he had shown a good attitude and had collaborated with the justice system before receiving a medical treatment in Malaysia.

PR holds a meeting with AMP leaders – Suara Timor Lorosa’e

Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão said that PR Ramos-Horta held a meeting with the leaders of AMP Government on Thursday (24/4) at the President’s new office in Farol, Dili. The meeting aimed at informing the President on the strategies already implemented by the AMP government during his absence. President Ramos Horta also suggested the all political parties work to strengthen national unity.

Carrascalao: it is normal to form a shadow cabinet – Suara Timor Lorosa’e

MP PSD Mario Viegas Carrascalão said that its normal if the President invites all former leaders to from a shadow cabinet in the manner of other countries. He added that a shadow cabinet has the right to provide constructive criticism to the Government.

PGR Longuinhos goes to Indonesia to bring back captured rebels – Timor Post

Prosecutor-General Longuinhos Monteiro is today (25/4) going to Jakarta to bring back the three rebels arrested by the National Police of Indonesia (POLRI). Prosecutor Longuinhos said that the rebels will be brought back to Timor-Leste before the Prime Minister’s visit to Indonesia. He also said that he would be accompanied by court police and the military. The rebels will be transferred from Jakarta to Bali, then to Timor-Leste.

PR Horta interrogated by Public Ministry for more than four hours – Televisão Timor-Leste

The Public Ministry has interrogated President Ramos-Horta as a victim of February 11 for more than four hours. Prosecutor-General Longuinhos Monteiro said that the interrogation was conducted well and helped clarify the investigation. “Everything went normally. He provided a chronology of events for February 11,” said Mr. Longuinhos on Thursday (24/4). Mr. Longuinhos said that the case is very complex, so it needs cooperation from every part, including from Indonesia and Australia.

Pardon for Rogerio may impact the judgment of 2006 crisis – Timor Post

The Director of HAK Association Jose Luis Oliveira said that the decision of President Ramos-Horta to pardon Rogerio Lobato will impact the process for the unresolved cases of the 2006 crisis. “Because some people have still not been investigated, if the President has decided to pardon Rogerio Lobato this indicates that other cases of 2006 crisis may be closed. The suspects will think this whether they are right or wrong,” said Mr. Oliveira. According to Mr. Oliveira, Rogerio Lobato should at least fulfil his sentence in the prison for half a year. He added that the decision of the President sets a bad example for society.

Ed: all political parties should have dialogue – Timor Post

On Wednesday (23/4), President Ramos-Horta appealed to all political parties to have a dialogue for the sake of peace and stability in the country.

It is clear that there should be a dialogue, especially between the AMP Government and the opposition party of Fretilin.

We can all see that AMP is facing great challenges by Fretilin who won the 2007 elections but lost the opportunity to rule the country.

Fretilin used to claim that the AMP is illegal based on the results of the 2007 elections. At the same time, AMP used to say that they were legal based on the parliamentary chairs they had and the decision of President Horta to form the government.

So who follows who?

We need collaboration and reconciliation from the highest levels. We do not need early elections as proposed by Fretilin

We are still questioning whether the dialogue is for collaboration and reconciliation or to decide on early elections?

Indonesia arrests fourth man linked to East Timor attack- The Earth Times, 24 April

Jakarta - Indonesia has arrested a fourth East Timor rebel believed linked to assassination attempts against the president and prime minister of the fledgling nation, national police chief General Sutanto said Thursday.

General Sutanto, who like many Indonesians goes only by one name, said the four East Timorese nationals were arrested separately near the Indonesia-East Timor border.

"All four were Timor Leste military-men who had entered Indonesia without legal travel documents," the state-run Antara news agency quoted Sutanto as saying, adding that the four were suspected to have involved in the attacks of President Jose Ramos-Horta and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao in February.

Earlier this week, Indonesian police said they had arrested three people, two in a border town in Indonesia's West Timor and another near Jakarta.

Sutanto said that all four were currently being held in Jakarta but gave no detail on the fourth person, adding that the arrests followed a request from the East Timor government.

Armed men, led by rebel leader Alfredo Reinado, attacked the residence of East Timor's president on February 11, which seriously injured Ramos-Horta.

Prime Minister Gusmao escaped unhurt from an attack on his motorcade a short time later.

Rebel leader Reinado and one of his men were killed in the attack, but a number of other militants remain at large.

Indonesia occupied East Timor for 24 years, and as many as 200,000 civilians died during that period. Jakarta denies committing any atrocities during the occupation and has claimed the violence in 1999 was not organized by its armed forces.

East Timor, a half-island territory that used to be a Portuguese colony, became an independent nation in 2002 after being administered by the UN for more than two years.

Two killed in East Timor gang violence- Reuters, 24 April

DILI, April 24 (Reuters) - Two members of East Timor's rival martial arts gangs were killed on Thursday in another bout of violence that has beset the young, impoverished nation, police said.

One of the victims was decapitated in a revenge attack that followed the killing of a rival gang member in the eastern district of Baucau, said local police detective chief Rogerio Gueterres.

"We are searching for 10 perpetrators who have been identified," Gueterres said.

The former Portuguese colony plunged into chaos in 2006 after the sacking of 600 rebellious soldiers triggered violence that killed 37 people and drove 150,000 from their homes.

Foreign troops had to be brought in to restore order and security has improved, although sporadic violence, vandalism and arson persist, with an unemployment rate of around 50 per cent helping fan a gang culture among bored youths.

Indonesia annexed East Timor in 1975. East Timor voted for independence from Indonesia in a violence-marred referendum in 1999. It became fully independent in 2002 after a period of U.N. administration. (Reporting by Tito Belo; Writing by Ahmad Pathoni; Editing by Sugita Katyal)

No Indonesian arrested over Ramos Horta's shooting

JAKARTA, April 24 (Xinhua) -- Indonesian National Police Chief Gen Sutanto has said no a single Indonesian citizen was arrested and being questioned in connection with the shooting of Timor Leste President Ramos Horta last February, according to Antara news agency on Thursday.

"Not a single Indonesian citizen has been arrested. All the people we are now questioning (in relation with Horta's shooting)are Timor Leste citizens," Antara news agency quoted the military chief as saying.

He said the police were questioning four Timor Leste nationals who were arrested near the Indonesia-Timor Leste border on suspicion of involvement in the attempt on Horta's life in Dili last February. All four were Timor Leste militarymen who had entered Indonesia without the required legal travel documents.

Sutanto said the Timor Leste government had earlier asked for Indonesia's assistance to take action against anybody suspected of involvement in the attempt on Horta's life who had fled to Indonesia.

The police chief expressed hope other members of the network that had perpetrated the attack on Horta could be nabbed.

Sutanto also denied rumors that a Timor Leste-born youth figureresiding in Jakarta was linked with the plot to kill Horta.

"There is no such link," he said.

Previously, Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said police arrested three people from Timor Leste, namely Egidio Lay Carvalho, Jose Gomes, and Ismail Sansao Moniz Soares last Friday.

"I need to clarify that the three suspects are all members of the Timor Leste military involved in the unrest and shooting," he said.

Anzac Day to remember for departing East Timor contingent- NZPA, 24 April

Anzac Day will be a memorable one for 11 New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) personnel scheduled to depart for East Timor tomorrow for a three month stint.

Drawn mostly from the Air Force's No 3 squadron, the team will fly over in a C-130 Hercules which will also be delivering an Iroquois helicopter to replace another one due to return to New Zealand for servicing.

Those heading over tomorrow will join 19 comrades who have already arrived in East Timor.

The New Zealanders will work alongside the Australian Defence Force air assets and 150 NZDF infantry and military observers, conducting personnel movement, aero medical evacuation and air logistic support.

New Zealand has two helicopters along with 170 personnel in East Timor, including two military liaison officers serving with a United Nations (UN) unit and another two advisors to the East Timor Defence Force.

Over 800 NZDF personnel are now deployed on 16 operations, UN missions and defence exercises around the world.

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Rebuilding infrastructure poses challenge to tackling malaria

IRIN
Saturday 26 April 2008

A malaria patient at the national hospital in Dili, the capital. Men are the most prevalent carriers of the disease because of their work on farmland and other malaria-infested areas
DILI, 24 April 2008 (IRIN) - Timor-Leste reported 46,832 cases of malaria - nearly one-twentieth of the population - in 2007 but health officials are optimistic that a nationwide spraying campaign and the extensive distribution of bed nets since then will have reduced numbers.

The Ministry of Health told IRIN it wants every man, woman and child to sleep under an insecticide-impregnated bed net. In a country where 80 percent of those sampled for malaria test positive, this might seem an obvious solution, but until November 2007, it was not government policy. Nets were only issued to pregnant women and children under five.

However, Maria Mota, a malaria official at the Ministry of Health, said research indicated it was often the men in the household - most likely to work in rice fields or low croplands - who often carried the disease.

"We've bought 66,000 bed nets in the last three months and we're about to buy 100,000 more," said vice-minister Madalena Hanjam. The programme still has some way to go, but Hanjam was confident of success. "This is still in the planning phase," she said. "We're doing it in steps."

Hanjam said the new nets were treated with anti-mosquito chemicals that stay active for five years. This is an improvement over earlier nets that had to be washed more frequently and were often torn in the process.

But additional prevention was hard and coordinating with other ministries often led to bureaucratic delays, she said.


Photo: Brennon Jones/IRIN
Wide-scale destruction throughout Timor-Leste has left pools of standing water – perfect breeding grounds for malaria-ridden mosquitos
Hanjam said the destruction that followed the referendum vote for independence in 1999 left the infrastructure in shambles and much of it had still not been fixed. Open sewers, potholes and abandoned buildings are common in urban settings around Timor-Leste. Hanjam said the standing water in such places made excellent mosquito breeding grounds.

Timor is home to two strains of malaria, falciparum and vivax. Falciparum, a particularly dangerous strain, is the most common, though it is also the easiest to treat.

Hanjam said every health post, clinic and hospital had rapid test kits and since late last year the ministry had been using Coartem, recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO), to treat falciparum.

Treatment sites

Including rural health posts, sub-district clinics and district hospitals, there are 195 sites around the country where people can seek treatment.

"If 10 people come with symptoms and take the rapid test, eight will have a positive result," Hanjam said. Malaria is the third most prevalent communicable disease in Timor following diarrhoea and tuberculosis.

The system, however, is not flawless. Some patients live far away from a clinic and many rural Timorese are unaccustomed to using western medicines as a first response to illness, so they may wait until it is too late, risking cerebral malaria, which is deadly unless treated in hospital.

Infrastructure challenge

According to Arun B Thapa, WHO representative for Timor-Leste, "The fact that the country is in the process of rebuilding itself is the biggest challenge in addressing the malaria problem – much of the infrastructure has been destroyed. Even families in the most remote corners should have access."

WHO is working with the ministry of health to intensify its community services outreach programmes and mobile clinics. "What the programme does is pull together the different elements at the health centre level so they can't complain they don't have the transport or the logistics," Thapa told IRIN.

However, it is a slow process, and "more progress will be needed to make sure we really rid the country of malaria".

sm/bj/mw

East Timor authorities locate rebel leader

ABC Online
Updated April 25, 2008 19:46:42

East Timorese authorities have located rebel leader Gastao Salsinha but the country's most wanted man will wait for more of his followers to join him before he will surrender.

Stephanie March reports from Dili Gastao Salsinha has cantoned himself in a house in Ermera district and says he will turn himself in to authorities when joined by more members of his rebel group.

United Nations spokesperson Allison Cooper confirms that the rebel leader is taking steps towards surrendering. She says Salsinha has been in meetings with representatives from the Prosecutor General's office, FFDTL military, and the church at a village near the town of Gleno.

She says it seems Salsinha has agreed to not leave the house until he is joined by his men at which stage he may hand himself over to authorities.

Authorities have not yet confirmed if any of remaining thirteen rebels are currently with their leader in Gleno. Authorities suspect Gastao Salsinha lead the attack on Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao on February 11.

He took over as leader of the rebel group following the death of Alfredo Reinado who was shot and killed in an almost-simultaneous attack on President Jose Ramos Horta.


Tradução:

Autoridades de Timor-Leste localizaram líder amotinado

ABC Online
Actualizado Abril 25, 2008 19:46:42

As autoridades Timorenses localizaram o líder amotinado Gastão Salsinha mas o homem mais procurado vai esperar que mais seguidores se juntem antes de se render.

Stephanie March relata de Dili que Gastão Salsinha se acantonou numa casa no distrito de Ermera de que diz que se vai entregar às autoridades quando se juntarem mais membros do seu grupo de amotinados.

A porta-voz da ONU Allison Cooper confirma que o líder amotinado está a dar passos para se render. Diz que Salsinha tem estado em encontros com representantes do gabinete do Procurador-Geral, militares das FFDTL e a igreja numa aldeia perto da cidade de Gleno.

Diz que parece que Salsinha concordou em não sair da casa até se lhe juntarem os seus homens altura em que ele pode entregar-se às autoridades.

As autoridades não confirmaram ainda se os restantes treze amotinados estão correntemente com o líder em Gleno. As autoridades suspeitam que Gastão Salsinha liderou o ataque ao Primeiro-Ministro Xanana Gusmão em 11 de Fevereiro.

Ele tomou o comando do grupo de amotinados depois da morte de Alfredo Reinado que foi baleado e morto num ataque quase simultâneo ao Presidente José Ramos Horta.